People carry signs and banners as they gather in Trafalgar Square, central London, to demonstrate against the state visit of President Donald Trump, Tuesday, June 4, 2019. (Photo: Tim Ireland/AP)
“The protests will be about Trumpism: about confronting a resurgent global far right, defending the rights of women and minorities, fighting the climate emergency, opposing the threat of war.”
Protesting both the individual cruelty of U.S. President Donald Trump and the globally ascendant “politics of hate” he represents, tens of thousands took to the streets in London and across the U.K. Tuesday as Trump enjoys “royal treatment” from the British government on his first official state visit.
“This protest is about Trumpism–the hatred and poverty that is spreading. Our movement is about joining the dots between hate, bigotry, and inequality.” –Shaista Aziz
Trump claimed in a tweet Monday that he had not “seen any protests yet,” but the demonstrations on Tuesday will be impossible to miss, with the 20-foot-tall Trump baby blimp flying over London and crowds of Britons pouring into the streets throughout the country.
“We are here to take on misogyny, racism, fascism, and hatred,” Guardian columnist Owen Jones declared during a speech in London.
Jones emphasized this point in a column ahead of Tuesday’s mass demonstrations, noting that the protests “aren’t just about Trump, they’re about everything he stands for.”
“These protests won’t simply be about Trump and the perverse reality TV show he’s treated the world to,” Jones wrote. “The protests will be about Trumpism: about confronting a resurgent global far right, defending the rights of women and minorities, fighting the climate emergency, opposing the threat of war, and standing against an attempt to gut the NHS and trash hard-won rights and freedoms.
Journalist Shaista Aziz echoed Jones, telling the crowd gathered at a London rally Tuesday that “this protest is about Trumpism–the hatred and poverty that is spreading.”
“Our movement is about joining the dots between hate, bigotry, and inequality,” Aziz said.
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Members of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) protest against firings during a rally to defend federal workers in Washington, D.C. on February 11, 2025. (Photo: Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images)
The “mass firing spree,” said one union leader, is “about gutting the federal government, silencing workers, and forcing agencies into submission to a radical agenda that prioritizes cronyism over competence.”
The Trump administration intensified its large-scale purge of the federal government on Thursday by moving to fire potentially hundreds of thousands of probationary employees, an effort that one leading union condemned as a power grab aimed at forcing agencies to capitulate to the whims of a lawless president.
The new flurry of terminations impacted workers across at least seven federal agencies, from the Department of Veterans Affairs—which said it fired 1,000 employees—to the Forest Service, Department of Education, Office of Personnel Management (OPM), and Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB).
Everett Kelley, national president of the American Federation of Government Employees—a union that represents more than 750,000 federal workers—said no one should fall for the Trump administration’s claim that the mass firings are about federal employees’ performance or enhancing government “efficiency.”
“This administration has abused the probationary period to conduct a politically driven mass firing spree, targeting employees not because of performance, but because they were hired before Trump took office,” Kelley said in a statement Thursday. “These firings are not about poor performance—there is no evidence these employees were anything but dedicated public servants. They are about power. They are about gutting the federal government, silencing workers, and forcing agencies into submission to a radical agenda that prioritizes cronyism over competence.”
Vowing to “fight these firings every step of the way,” Kelley said terminated employees were “given no notice, no due process, and no opportunity to defend themselves in a blatant violation of the principles of fairness and merit that are supposed to govern federal employment.”
“We will stand with every impacted employee, pursue every legal challenge available, and hold this administration accountable for its reckless actions,” said Kelley. “Federal employees are not disposable, and we will not allow the government to treat them as such.”
“None of this is about saving money, it is about Musk and Trump enriching themselves and their wealthy friends while making huge cuts to services Americans depend on.”
The new purge targeting more recently hired government employees marks the latest salvo in the Trump administration’s far-reaching assault on federal agencies, an effort spearheaded by unelected billionaire Elon Musk and his so-called Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE. President Donald Trump has given the advisory commission unprecedented authority over federal hiring, effectively installing Musk as the leader of a shadow government in Washington, D.C.
The Washington Post noted that “the latest data shows there were more than 220,000 federal employees within their one-year probationary period as of last March.”
“These workers typically have little protection from being fired without cause,” the Post observed.
The new administration’s sweeping attacks on the federal workforce, which have drawn union-led legal challenges, have left career civil servants confused, demoralized, and fearful of the future—music to the ears of far-right officials like Office of Management and Budget Director Russell Vought, who has expressed his desire to leave government employees “traumatically affected.”
An anonymous OPM employee wrote for Slate last week that agency workers “are just as frustrated, confused, and traumatized as the rest of America.”
“When I started my job at OPM, I swore an oath to the Constitution, and to defend it against all enemies foreign and domestic, making it especially awful that the threat to our government is coming from inside my own office building,” the worker wrote. “The villains here aren’t the civil servants working to serve the American people.”
A purge of the federal workforce and wholesale dismantling of government departments were central goals of the far-right Project 2025 agenda authored by Vought and others in Trump’s orbit. The playbook called on the new administration to disempower career civil servants and “fill its ranks with political appointees.”
In addition to leading OMB, Vought is serving as acting director of the CFPB, an agency hit particularly hard by Thursday’s purge. Reuters reported that “a new category of employees” at the consumer agency “received termination notices on Thursday… in a sign that the Trump administration was going beyond probationary employees as it looks to fire federal staff.”
“Notices to dozens of so-called ‘term employees,’ full-time workers on contracts with end dates, began arriving Thursday evening, letting them know they were being terminated the same day,” Reuters reported. “Some staff discovered they had lost access to the agency’s IT systems before receiving their termination letters.”
The sloppy and chaotic nature of the purge underscored what critics say is a reckless evisceration of government in service of a far-right ideological project.
The Post reported that the Small Business Association (SBA) “listed a paralegal phone number for laid-off employees to appeal their terminations. The number was an automated line for an apartment building.”
According to Axios, one SBA worker “received two different firing emails with attachments… each with a different reason they were being let go.”
“The first one said they were being let go because ‘you have failed to demonstrate fitness for continued federal employment,” Axios reported. “The second one hedged on the reason: ‘[Y]ou are not fit for continued employment because your ability, knowledge, and skills do not fit the agency’s current needs and/or your performance has not been adequate to justify further employment at the agency.”
Wired reported that workers at the CFPB “were informed that they had been fired with a frenetic email” in which “some affected employees were addressed as [EmployeeFirstName][EmployeeLastName], [Job Title], [Division].”
Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.), who represents a large swath of federal workers, said in a statement earlier this week that “the Musk-Trump administration’s purge of the federal civil service is illegal, terrible for the country, and paves the way for increased corruption.”
“While Musk and Trump are distracting their followers with supposed ‘savings’ from these mass layoffs, which my Republican colleagues correctly note are a tiny fraction of all federal spending, they are preparing to enact tax cuts that will shower hundreds of times as much money on the rich,” said Beyer. “None of this is about saving money, it is about Musk and Trump enriching themselves and their wealthy friends while making huge cuts to services Americans depend on.”
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Russell Vought, President Donald Trump’s pick to lead the White House budget office, arrives for a Senate confirmation hearing on January 15, 2025. (Photo: Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)
“Now that Vought is officially running the show, he’ll be able to unleash his radical agenda across the federal government. And if the courts stop him, he’s got a billionaire friend with the government’s keys and checkbook: Elon Musk.”
In a party-line vote late Thursday, the U.S. Senate confirmed right-wing extremist and Project 2025 architect Russell Vought to lead the White House budget office as the Trump administration works to unilaterally dismantle entire federal agencies and choke off funding already approved by Congress.
Vought’s confirmation, backed only by Republican votes in the Senate, comes after the chamber’s Democrats used up all 30 hours of debate on his nomination to warn of the damage he could inflict as director of the Office of Management and Budget.
Lawmakers and progressive activists echoed those warnings in the wake of his confirmation. Alex Jacquez, chief of policy and advocacy at the Groundwork Collaborative, said in a statement that “Vought’s fingerprints are all over last week’s illegal funding freeze.”
“Halting funding for Americans’ healthcare, childcare, and food assistance wasn’t a bug,” said Jacquez. “It was by design, and Project 2025 is the blueprint. Now that Vought is officially running the show, he’ll be able to unleash his radical agenda across the federal government. And if the courts stop him, he’s got a billionaire friend with the government’s keys and checkbook: Elon Musk.”
During his confirmation process, Vought expressed agreement with Trump’s view that the 1974 Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act (ICA)—a law passed in response to former President Richard Nixon’s refusal to spend congressionally approved funds on programs he opposed—is unconstitutional, a view that Musk has also expressed.
Politico reported Thursday that Vought “is expected to soon press his theory on impoundments, the idea that the president can ignore congressional spending edicts.” Analysts have argued that even without the ICA, unilateral impoundments of the kind the Trump White House is expected to pursue in the coming months and years would still be unconstitutional.
Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), the top Democrat on the House Appropriations Committee, said in a statement Thursday that “in confirming Vought, Republicans have put their stamp of approval on ending American democracy—built on three co-equal branches of government—and on creating a government of billionaires, by billionaires.”
“Our nation is facing an extraordinary crisis,” said DeLauro. “Donald Trump is attempting to claim absolute power for the presidency. The chaos, confusion, and flagrantly unconstitutional actions of the early days of this administration are largely of Vought’s design and doing. With Vought’s encouragement, the administration has taken the groundless position—and demonstrated—that they believe the White House has the absolute power to determine spending, and that they can choose to simply not fund programs and services that Congress has promised to the American people. This could not be further from the truth.”
“The Constitution empowers Congress, not the president, with the power of the purse,” DeLauro continued. “The president is not a king who can pick and choose which laws to follow and which laws to ignore. But the president is relying on the guidance and counsel of Russ Vought to do just that.”
In one of his appearances before the Senate last month, Vought told lawmakers that he views the Clinton-era welfare reform law that doubled extreme poverty as a crowning achievement and declared that “we need to go after the mandatory programs,” which include Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
“Vought is an extremist who has made clear he’ll ignore our nation’s laws, cut funding that helps people across the country, and give Trump unprecedented and unconstitutional power,” warned Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), the top Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee, following Vought’s confirmation. “There will be consequences.”
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and reality then.
US president Donald Trump is surrounded by a new cohort of politicians and officials. While one of his campaign promises was to overthrow the “corrupt elites” he accuses of flooding the American political arena, his second term in office has elevated elites chosen, above all, for their political loyalty to him.
The media’s focus on Trump’s comments on making Canada the 51st US state and annexing Greenland and billionaire Elon Musk’s support for some far-right parties in Europe has obscured the ambitious programme to transform the federal government that the new political elite intends to implement.
In the wake of Trump’s inauguration on January 20, the Republican elites most loyal to the MAGA (“Make America Great Again”) leader, who staunchly oppose Democratic elites and their policies, are operating amid their party’s control over the executive and legislative branches (at least until the midterm elections in 2026), a conservative-dominated Supreme Court that includes three Trump-appointed justices, and a federal judiciary that shifted right during his first term.
However, the political project of the Trumpist camp consists less of challenging elitism in general than attacking a specific elite: one particular to liberal democracies.
Castigating democratic elitism
Typical anti-elite political propaganda, along the lines of “I speak for you, the people, against the elites who betray and deceive you,” claims that a populist leader would be able to exercise power for and on behalf of the people without the mediation of an elite disconnected from their needs.
Political theorist John Higley sees behind this form of anti-elite discourse an association between so-called “forceful leaders” and “leonine elites” (who take advantage of the former and their political success): a phenomenon that threatens the future of Western democracies.
Since the Second World War, there has been a consensus in US politics on the idea of democratic elitism. According to this principle, elitist mediation is inevitable in mass democracies and must be based on two criteria: respect for the results of elections (which must be free and competitive); and the relative autonomy of political institutions.
The challenge to this consensus has been growing since the 1990s with the increased polarization of American politics. It gained new momentum during and after the 2016 presidential campaign, which was marked by anti-elite rhetoric from both Republicans and Democrats (such as senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren). At the heart of some of their diatribes was an aversion to “the Establishment” on the east and west coasts of the United States, where many prestigious financial, political and academic institutions are based, and the conspiracy notion of the “deep state”.
Trump’s populism from above: a revolt of the elites
The idea that democracy could be betrayed by “the revolt of the elites”, put forward by the US historian Christopher Lasch (1932-1994), is not new. For the anthropologist Arjun Appadurai, it is a particular feature of contemporary populism, which comes “from above.” Indeed, if the 20th century was the era of the “revolt of the masses”, the 21st century, according to Appadurai, “is characterized by the ‘revolt of the elites’.” This would explain the rise of populist autocracies (such as those currently led by Viktor Orban in Hungary, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey and Narendra Modi in India, and formerly led by Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil), but also the election successes of populist leaders in consolidated democracies (including those of Trump in the US, Giorgia Meloni in Italy, and Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, for example).
As Appadurai explains, the success of Trumpian populism, which represents a revolt by ordinary Americans against the elites, casts a veil over the fact that, following Trump’s victory in November, “it is a new elite that has ousted from power the despised Democratic elite that had occupied the White House for nearly four years.”
The aim of this “alter elite” is to replace the “regular” Democrat elites, but also the moderate Republicans, by deeply discrediting their values (such as liberalism and so-called “wokeism”) and their supposedly corrupt political practices. As a result, this populism “from above” carried out by the President’s supporters constitutes an alternative elite configuration, the effects of which on American democratic life could be more significant than those observed during Trump’s first term.
Beyond the idea of a ‘Muskoligarchy’
The idea that we are witnessing the formation of a “Muskoligarchy” –in other words, an economic elite (including tech barons such as Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg and Marc Andreessen) rallying around the figurehead of Elon Musk, whom Trump asked to lead what the president has called a “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE) –is seductive. It perfectly combines the vision of an alliance between a “conspiratorial, coherent, conscious” ruling class and an oligarchy made up of the “ultra-rich”. For the Financial Times columnist Martin Wolf, it is even a sign of the development of “pluto-populism”. (It is also worth noting that former president Joe Biden, in his farewell speech, referred to “an oligarchy… of extreme wealth” and “the potential rise of a tech-industrial complex.”)
However, some observers are cautious about the advent of a “Muskoligarchy.” They point to the sociological eclecticism of the new Trumpian elite, whose facade of unity is held together above all by a political loyalty, for the time being unfailing, to the MAGA leader. The fact remains, however, that the various factions of this new “anti-elite” elite are converging around a common agenda: to rid the federal government of the supposed stranglehold of Democratic “insiders.”
An ‘anti-elite’ elite against the ‘deep state’
In his presidential inauguration speech in 1981, Ronald Reagan said: “Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.” The anti-elitism of the Trump elite is inspired by this diagnosis, and defends a simple political programme: rid democracy of the “deep state.”
This conspiracy theory has been taken to the extreme by Kash Patel, the candidate being considered to head the FBI. In his book, Government Gangsters, a veritable manifesto against the federal administration, the former lawyer writes about the need to resort to “purges” in order to bring elite Democrats to justice. He lists around 60 people, including Biden, ex-secretary of state Hillary Clinton and ex-vice president Kamala Harris.
Government Gangsters, Kash Patel’s controversial book. Google Books
The appointment of Russell Vought as head of the Office of Management and Budget at the White House, a person who is known for having sought to obstruct the transition to the Biden Administration in 2021, also highlights the hard turn that the Trump administration is likely to take.
Reshaping the state around political loyalty
To “deconstruct the administrative state”, the “anti-elite” elites are relying on Project 2025, a 900-plus page programme report that the conservative think-tank The Heritage Foundation, which published it, says was produced by “more than 400 scholars and policy experts.” According to former Project 2025 director Paul Dans, “never before has the entire movement… banded together to construct a comprehensive plan” for this purpose. On this basis, the “anti-elite” elite want to impose loyalty to Project 2025 on federal civil servants.
But this idea is not new. At the end of his first term, Trump issued an executive order facilitating the dismissal of statutory federal civil servants occupying “policy-related positions” and considered to be “disloyal”. The decree was rescinded by president Biden, but Trump on his first day back in office signed an executive order that seeks to void Biden’s rescindment. As President, Trump is also able to allocate senior positions within the federal administration to his supporters.
The “anti-elite” elite not only want to reduce the size of the state, as was the case under Reagan’s “neoliberalism”, but to deconstruct and rebuild it in their own image. Their real aim is a more lasting victory: the transformation of democratic elitism into populist elitism.
Donald Trump, pictured during a news conference at Mar-a-Lago in December, says the sentencing should not go ahead. Pic: AP
Donald Trump’s spokesperson called the hush money case “lawless” and a “witch hunt” in a statement released after the sentencing date was announced. “President Trump will continue fighting against these hoaxes until they are all dead,” he added.
A judge has ordered US president-elect Donald Trump to be sentenced next week in his New York hush money case – but has suggested he will not jail him.
In a surprise move, the sentencing has been set for 10 January, just 10 days before the presidential inauguration.
Trump‘s spokesperson called the case “lawless” and a “witch hunt” in a statement released after the date was announced.
Judge Juan Merchan, who presided over the trial, has now confirmed sentencing will go ahead, but signalled in a written decision that he would hand down what is known as a conditional discharge, in which a case gets dismissed if a defendant avoids re-arrest.
