Source: Potere al Popolo Bologna e provincia/Facebook
On the 80th anniversary of liberation from Nazi-fascism, left forces in Italy mobilize against genocide, armament, and the Meloni government
In the coming weeks, many European countries will mark the 80th anniversary of liberation from Nazi-fascist occupation. Italy is among the first, with dozens of events organized for April 25 – Liberation Day – despite ongoing attempts by the Meloni government and right-wing forces to rewrite or erase the memory of the Resistance. For most grassroots groups, this year’s events aim to locate the values that inspired partisan fighters in the 1940s into today’s context, marked by an aggressive rearmament agenda, support for Israel’s genocide in Gaza, and domestic repression of civil rights.
“Eighty years ago, our grandparents freed us from the grip of fascism. But remembering the past is not enough, especially not in the stale, institutional way the Democratic Party and center-left do,” Giuliano Granato of Potere al Popolo said during the demonstration in Naples. Along similar lines, the Unione Sindacale di Base (USB) stated that April 25 should not be reduced to a mere ritual or commemoration. “It should actualize the values and ideals of the partisan Resistance, which freed, perhaps not once and for all, this country from the barbarity of war and Nazi-fascism and provided an inescapable push toward better democratic, working, and living conditions for the people of this country,” the trade union declared in its call to action.
Against Israeli genocide
These values, according to USB, Potere al Popolo, and other left groups, must necessarily include opposition to genocide. In many cities, protesters have insisted that Italy’s ongoing ties with the Israeli occupation are unacceptable. These ties, they argue, are evidence that the political establishment has failed to grasp the true meaning and importance of the Resistance. Ahead of Liberation Day, the Genoa chapter of Potere al Popolo organized an action addressing President Sergio Mattarella, criticizing him for formally honoring the Resistance while remaining silent on the genocidal war against Palestinians and on the breakdown of democratic rights under the current government.
Potere al Popolo Genoa with banner reading: “Mattarella, antifascists don’t finance wars and genocide.” Source: Potere al Popolo Genoa/Facebook
“To do so [speak of the Resistance] after cozying up to the president of the criminal state of Israel, effectively supporting the ongoing genocide of the Palestinians, is an insult to those who, since the days of the partisan struggle, have fought against all genocide,” Potere al Popolo Genoa stated. “To honor the Resistance while equating the Soviet communists who liberated much of Europe from Nazism with the Third Reich is an insult to history and memory.”
Against armament
Equally prominent as the call to stop the genocide and sever ties with Israel is the demand to reject Europe’s new armament agenda, which will come at the cost of public services, education, healthcare, and climate justice. Giorgia Meloni’s administration and mainstream opposition parties alike have supported this agenda in different ways, endorsing increased spending on so-called defense and entertaining proposals for a joint European army. These priorities stand in stark contrast with the interests of Italy’s working class and the vision of a more just society that accompanied the antifascist Resistance.
“The rearmament plan launched by the EU represents the latest folly of a continental political class disinterested in building a present and future of peace and prosperity for the peoples of Europe,” warned USB. Similarly, Potere al Popolo called on people to rally around an alternative set of priorities: “We don’t need more money to enrich the arms industry. We need money for wages, for health care and services, for envisioning an ecological revolution and addressing the real challenge of our time, which is the climate crisis.”
Against new iterations of fascism
Meanwhile, Giorgia Meloni and her ministers are pursuing a different kind of battle, one aimed at minimizing the role of the antifascist struggle, led largely by communists, in shaping modern Italy. While the mainstream opposition tends to fixate on this behavior by the right wing, Granato warns that doing so risks missing important pieces of the puzzle.
“For us, Giorgia Meloni is simply following the path she’s always been on, one clearly tied to the rise of neo-fascism. After the defeat of Nazism, the slogan of the Italian Social Movement [neo-fascist party] was ‘neither renounce nor restore’ – and that’s exactly what Meloni is doing today. She doesn’t outright deny their fascist roots, but she also doesn’t walk around openly glorifying Benito Mussolini,” Granato told Peoples Dispatch.
The most recent attempt of the right to undermine the legacy of the Resistance came in the wake of the death of Pope Francis, when the government declared a record five days of mourning and called for “sobriety” at all public events. Many understood this to be an attempt to minimize April 25 events. Liberal and right-wing local administrations seized the opportunity to scale down and cancel rallies, while far-right media ran headlines such as April 25: Day of mourning. “Sure, they can claim they were referring to the death of the pope, but the truth is, they’ve been waiting 80 years for an excuse to print something like that, because for them, April 25 has always been a defeat,” says Granato.
Progressive forces, however, resisted, criticizing the government for using the death of a pope who – unlike the administration, called for peace and solidarity – to advance its agenda. They also refused to limit the day’s activities to commemorations, echoing the partisans’ revolutionary vision of a radically different society. “We don’t stop at the official ceremonies, not just because they’re cold and formulaic, but because we believe the fight for liberation and resistance isn’t over,” Granato explains. “Just like many partisans understood back then that toppling fascism wasn’t enough, we believe that defeating the Meloni government wouldn’t be enough either.”
A group of protesters after the central demonstration in Naples, April 25, 2025. Source: Ex-OPG Je so’ pazzo/Facebook
Instead, Granato calls on the people to work together to free themselves from contemporary forms of danger and oppression: first and foremost genocide and militarization. “We worked to make today a day of liberation from militarism and genocide and to link it to the mobilization we are building, including a national assembly in Rome on May 24, and a mass demonstration on June 21, just days before the NATO summit in The Hague,” he adds.
“We believe militarism has always been a tool of fascism. The militarization of Europe today goes hand-in-hand with growing authoritarianism at home and worsens conditions for the working class across the continent.”
The BBC has stopped Evan Davis, one of its senior presenters, from hosting a personal podcast informing the public about heat pumps, a flagship clean heating solution.
Speaking on the final episode of the show, launched in January, Davis said that the BBC had become “concerned” that the podcast was “somehow treading on areas of public controversy”.
He added: “I take their shilling; they dictate the rules. They know they have to try and keep their presenters out of areas of public controversy and they have decided heat pumps can be controversial so they’ve asked me not to be involved.”
Heat pumps, powered by electricity, are currently set to play a key role in decarbonising heating and replacing gas boilers, which heat around 85 percent of Britain’s homes and account for 15 percent of greenhouse gas emissions nationwide. The government has set a target of 600,000 heat pump installations every year by 2028, up from just 55,000 in 2022.
The Happy Heat Pump podcast co-hosted by Davis attempted to educate listeners about how to use a heat pump, how much they cost, and which properties are best suited to a heat pump.
Heat pumps can be more expensive to install than alternatives, though experts have blamed the government for not matching the incentives offered by its European counterparts. Heat pump uptake in the UK is among the lowest in Europe, with more than 500,000 heat pumps sold in France last year, and more than 400,000 in both Italy and Germany.
However, gas industry lobbyists and sections of the right-wing media have attempted to stoke a “culture war” around the uptake of heat pumps in the UK. DeSmog revealed in July 2023 that a barrage of negative press about heat pumps had been funded by a gas lobby group.
Davis’s podcast co-host, Bean Beanland, criticised the BBC’s decision. Beanland, the director for growth and external affairs for the Heat Pump Federation, said the corporation’s judgement was “extraordinary”.
“It does seem to me that somehow the technologies we espouse have fallen victim to some sort of culture war,” he added.
Davis said that he believes the BBC’s decision was “more about net zero than this particular form of heating”. The legally-binding target of reaching net zero emissions by 2050 has also been weaponised by campaigners and conservative media outlets, despite a broad public consensus for reducing emissions and building new green infrastructure.
“Cars are controversial, they kill and maim thousands every year, but that hasn’t stopped the BBC glamorising car use in its decades broadcasting hundreds of episodes of Top Gear,” said Andrew Simms, co-director of the New Weather Institute.
“Heat pumps, on the other hand, don’t kill or maim, they just cheaply and safely warm homes. It’s been estimated that swapping all 23 million gas boilers in the UK to heat pumps could save roughly £11 billion in wholesale gas costs.
“The technology is already hugely successful in some of the coldest countries in Europe. In those with the longest, harshest winters like Norway, Finland and Sweden, heat pumps dominate. Already by 2022 around 41 percent of Finnish households had a heat pump installed, with two-thirds in Norway and nearly half in Sweden. Try telling them that their heating systems are controversial.”
A number of commentators have expressed their dismay on social media at the BBC’s decision. Financial Times associate editor Stephen Bush accused the BBC of “muzzling one of its best presenters from making an excellent, wholly factual programme”. Bush added that the broadcaster was an “organisation badly in need of new leadership.”
A BBC spokesperson told DeSmog: “The BBC editorial guidelines are clear that anyone working for the BBC who does an external public speaking or writing engagement should not compromise the impartiality or integrity of the BBC or its content, or suggest that any part of the BBC endorses a third-party organisation, product, service or campaign.”
As previously revealed by DeSmog, the BBC’s commercial content arm, BBC StoryWorks, has been paid to promote oil and gas companies, agricultural giants, fossil fuel states, and high-emission transport firms.
Experts have also highlighted that Davis’s podcast was simply reflecting basic facts about heat pumps.
Energy policy expert Jan Rosenow said: “Heat pumps are a mature technology that has been around for more than 100 years. All authoritative analyses indicate that we need to deploy millions of them to reach net zero. Public controversy stems from poor reporting – Evan tried to change that.”
These sentiments were reflected by fellow climate expert Andrew Sissons, who said: “I’ve said this before but… heat pumps are really quite boring, and it says quite a lot about the state of debate in Britain that we’ve managed to make them controversial. Credit to Evan for trying to make them not controversial.”
Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer leads a roundtable discussion at the Organised Immigration Crime Summit at Lancaster House in central London, March 31, 2025
KEIR STARMER’S anti-refugee summit picks up where the Tories left off in giving unauthorised migration exaggerated status as some kind of national crisis.
Just as Rishi Sunak penned a joint article with Italy’s far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni calling for a Europe-wide crackdown on irregular arrivals, Meloni took centre-stage by video link today, citing Italy’s use of a third-country processing hub in Albania as a model increasingly adopted across the continent.
Meloni depicts Italy as a pioneer. It is, though not in a good way. It successfully pushed the EU to abolish its last official search-and-rescue service in the Mediterranean nearly five years ago and it has led the way too in prosecuting civilian search-and-rescue missions it smears as people-smugglers.
As the Public and Commercial Services union and Care4Calais recently urged, the easiest way to end criminal people-smuggling operations would be to provide safe routes for people to claim asylum, perhaps through an extension of the scheme for Ukrainian refugees to people of other backgrounds.
There is no reason why victims of one war should be privileged over victims of others, and Britain bears responsibility for many of those wars. Yvette Cooper’s own reference to gangs working from the “hills of Kurdistan to the money markets of Kabul” cites two countries devastated by invasions we took part in, Iraq and Afghanistan.
…
The international refugee crisis is driven by war, poverty and climate change.
Police wait for migrants to disembark in the port of Catania, Italy, 2023 | Fabrizio Villa/Getty Images. All rights reserved
Deploying ‘anti-mafia’ tactics against migrants and those standing in solidarity with them is solving nothing
In November 2023, Italy’s prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, gathered the country’s top prosecutors at the headquarters of the powerful anti-mafia and anti-terrorism directorate, the DNAA. The far-right leader flattered them, boasting about the Italian judiciary’s global prestige.
“Italy used to export mafia,” she said. “Now it exports anti-mafia.”
She was trying to smooth over tensions around her government’s plans to limit the powers of organised crime investigators. Yet there was more to Meloni’s statement than she perhaps realised.
Over the past decade, the DNAA shifted focus from fighting Italy’s mafia to tackling undocumented migration. The directorate became central to Europe’s response – a hub for national police forces and European agencies like Frontex and Europol to exchange and refine anti-migration tactics.
The DNAA’s success lay in its apparent ability to throw investigative findings behind an idea that politicians were keen to believe: that undocumented migration is essentially a matter of organised crime and should be dealt with as such. A prosecutor in Palermo branded this approach “the Italian job” – but Italy wasn’t alone in this effort.
In recent years, many European border countries have seen an explosion of court cases against people thought to facilitate migration in some way. Driving a dinghy, providing shelter or medical assistance, even receiving a distress call from a sinking boat is now enough to make someone vulnerable to prosecution.
Migrants, as always, have been the main targets. But prosecutors have also set their sights on European activists and aid workers in what can be described as a campaign to criminalise solidarity.
Since 2013 this judicial policy has been turbocharged with unprecedented funding, but its roots stretch back over two decades. The technical and legal groundwork was laid after the fall of the Soviet Union and reinforced following the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States – an inflection point that saw migration become ever more intertwined with security concerns.
The policy has run long enough to be assessed. And, at least at the practical level, it has been a complete failure.
Searching for a mafia to take down
Critical smuggling scholars agree that large, hierarchical smuggling rings are rare. Their contribution to migration flows is insignificant. The vast majority of migration facilitation instead comes from loose chains of actors who do not share a common employer. A migrant finds somebody who can help with a step or two, and then finds someone new to help with the next step, building out this ‘chain’ as they go along.
European prosecutors ignore these inconvenient truths about migration, but that doesn’t change the result. Smuggling ‘kingpins’ are not ending up in the dock, and the people who do are rarely worth the judge’s time.
European governments used to conceal these deals, with investigative journalists scrambling to dig them up. But they are now official policy
The failure of this policy is not lost on its proponents. They are well aware of the reports that confirm these findings. So when it comes to reducing the number of undocumented arrivals, politicians resort to much cruder methods than the formalities of court procedures, such as so-called ‘border externalisation’ policies.
These are bilateral agreements between European states and various foreign entities in what Europe labels transit countries – governments, militias, autocratic rulers, law enforcement bodies, and security services. They typically include provisions for military equipment, technology, training, political support, and fat contracts for European and local companies and aid agencies.
In return, beneficiaries commit to intercepting, incarcerating, or taking back undesired migrants. European governments used to conceal these deals, with investigative journalists scrambling to dig them up. But they are now official policy, having shown some effectiveness in curbing migration flows, at least along specific routes and long enough to scrape through an election year.
So if the campaign against migration and solidarity offers, at best, a short-term dip in movement in some places but no real long term results, why is it pursued with such fervour? Authorities claim it’s about justice: smugglers exploit migrants in distress for profit and migrants infringe on a country’s sovereignty by entering without permission, both of which are morally unacceptable. They can’t just let that slide.
Campaigners take a different view: criminalisation, they argue, serves as a political tool to deflect blame from the real culprits of migrants’ suffering. “Tens of thousands have died at Europe’s borders over the last two decades,” says Sara Traylor, an activist in Palermo. “Policymakers push the false narrative that punishing facilitators of border crossings will solve this crisis. But these deaths stem directly from Europe’s closed doors and neo-colonial policies.”
Making a smuggler
Traylor co-authors “From Sea to Prison,” a report tracking the arrests of individuals accused of being “crew” on small dinghies arriving in Italy. Her group in Palermo is part of the broader European Captain Support network, a coalition of grassroots organisations providing information and legal support to those accused of maritime smuggling.
“Since 2013, nearly 3,000 people have been arrested in Italy alone,” she said. “Thousands more have faced similar fates in Greece and Spain. The UK and France have also stepped up prosecutions for those attempting to cross the Channel.”
The Captain Support network often highlights blatant miscarriages of justice. Their “Free the footballers” campaign seeks to exonerate eight asylum seekers from Libya, Tunisia, Syria and Morocco serving 30-year sentences in Italy. Included among them are professional football players. Arrested in 2015 and accused by the DNAA branch in Catania of steering a dinghy where 49 people suffocated, they were identified by witnesses who received residence permits for their cooperation. Initial testimonies had denied the presence of smugglers.
In court, it emerged that suspects were pre-selected based on their appearance on a military rescue boat. Frontex officers found them “suspicious” due to their clothes, and they had stood out to the Italian police on board “because of their lighter skin”. Witness statements collected by the police were nearly identical, with entire sections copied and pasted, and were largely retracted in court. Interpreters often didn’t speak the right languages.
Yet despite evidence that at least five were paying passengers, their sentences were upheld. A final ruling this April said only a presidential pardon could address the “disparity” between the sentence “and the moral dimension of their actual culpability”.
A volunteer rests as migrants disembark in Salerno, Italy in July 2023 | Ivan Romano/Getty Images. All rights reserved
According to Traylor, this case is not extreme: police interrogations after traumatic crossings, manipulated witness statements, lack of interpreters, inadequate legal defence, and the use of intimidation or inappropriate incentives to secure cooperation are recurrent in smuggling cases.
Traylor doesn’t claim that everyone helped by the Captain Support Network is innocent in a legal sense; a few may have acted for profit, but avoiding profit motives doesn’t prevent convictions. “Criminalised individuals come from diverse backgrounds and motivations,” she said. “The only common factor is that they’re accused of helping someone to cross a border.”
“The term ‘Captains’ restores agency to those on the move, who often don’t see smugglers as morally reprehensible,” she said. “Sometimes, boat drivers are even celebrated as heroes.”
The views Traylor holds today are considered fringe. They were once mainstream.
Shifting perceptions
In 1980, the highest criminal court in Germany heard a peculiar smuggling case. The smuggler was the plaintiff, and was referred to as an “escape helper”. He had sued a refugee for unpaid fees after a failed attempt to transport him from East to West Germany.
The court ruled the fees must be paid with interest, stating the refugee had made “use of his fundamental right to freedom of movement” and that helping someone exercise this right, even for profit, “does not in principle act contrary to morality.”
The court backed the Berlin Senate’s view that smuggling becomes criminal only when “capitalising on the personal distress of others” turns into “a permanent source of considerable income”.
Since then, the notion of what warrants criminal punishment has stretched to absurd extremes. It now includes everything from walking up to a border unaided to being related to someone crossing illegally, or even posting on social media about wanting to cross.
Refugees, once seen as freedom-seekers, have become ‘undesirable’ economic threats
In June 2022, 23 migrants were killed in clashes with Spanish and Moroccan security forces while trying to enter the Spanish enclave of Melilla. Though the victims had reached the border on foot, Pedro Sanchez, the Spanish prime minister, blamed “human trafficking mafias” for the tragedy.
Later that year, Tunisian mothers protesting the mass drowning of migrants were met with a shocking response: Vincent Cochetel, a special envoy for the UN’s refugee agency (UNHCR), suggested “symbolically prosecuting parents for putting at risk their children.”
Just weeks ago, the Moroccan government, eager to appease Spain in externalisation talks, arrested 60 teenagers for social media posts about swimming to Ceuta, a Spanish town on the North African coast. They even placed barriers to prevent access to the sea in towns near the enclave.
This massive shift in perceptions is often traced to the post-Soviet era: refugees from the Eastern Bloc pouring into Western Europe, once seen as freedom-seekers, transformed into ‘undesirable’ economic threats. In this period European countries tightened asylum and visa laws, forcing refugees into illegal routes.
By the late 1990s, an influx of mostly Kurdish refugees from Iraq raised alarm in Germany, where politicians started to speak of “illegal immigration organised by criminal gangs” and pressured coastal states like Italy and Greece for tougher action against smugglers. Around the same time, Italy began prosecuting Kurds arriving by boat. And in the UK, a report from the late 1990s found that courts in coastal towns were seeing “two or three trials for facilitating illegal entry every week”, with sentences ranging from one to three years.
This process accelerated dramatically after the 11 September 2001 attacks. In Western political discourse, migrants became increasingly associated with security threats and terrorism. But political rhetoric alone doesn’t explain these changes.
In his seminal study of the subject, The Politics of Insecurity: Fear, Migration and Asylum in the EU, French sociologist Jef Huysmans argued that security agencies played a pivotal role in constructing migration as a criminal threat. Political visions, he noted, rely on “evoking fears and emergencies” while offering “credible methods” to control these insecurities. Security agencies then step in, using their expertise to provide competing solutions to the problems politicians present.
Italy’s DNAA proved to be a master in this game.
Power grab
On 3 October 2013, over 360 people, mostly from Eritrea and Somalia, drowned off the coast of Lampedusa. Authorities ignored their overloaded boat for hours, until a passenger lit a makeshift torch that sparked a fire, capsizing the vessel.
Days later, in an official resolution, EU leaders declared that the tragedy “had shocked all Europeans”. To avoid more deaths, they pledged to “step up the fight against trafficking and smuggling.”
DNAA prosecutors were already at work to make that happen. The previous day they had met in Rome for the first in a series of “coordination meetings to fight maritime illegal immigration”. These meetings came to be attended by Frontex, Europol and Eurojust representatives alongside Italian law enforcement. The DNAA leveraged the credibility it had gained from decimating Cosa Nostra to assert its ability to tackle this new security threat.
That anti-mafia prosecutors could claim jurisdiction over undocumented migration, though, wasn’t a given. Before 2013, the DNAA’s remit was limited to trafficking, where people are forced across borders for exploitation, often through organised networks. Smuggling, however, involves voluntary crossings and is an offence against border laws, not people.
The Lampedusa disaster blurred this line: the journey was so deadly it seemed no one would take it willingly. With the public still emotional and desperate for solutions, the DNAA made the most of this confusion.
Handbooks said investigators should exploit the emotionally charged moments after a rescue, targeting the “weakest subjects” for statements against boat drivers
After the first meeting, the agency published guidelines expanding Italy’s jurisdiction into international waters for anti-smuggling operations. By invoking laws ranging from the slave trade era to the American war on drugs, they framed migration as part of a broader criminal continuum.
These guidelines referenced provisions of the 1958 Geneva Convention allowing high-seas police operations against the slave trade and piracy; the 2002 EU Facilitators Package that criminalises aiding undocumented entry and stay; and even the Reagan-era Maritime Drug Law Enforcement Act.
Subsequent governments codified the DNAA’s expanded role. After the 2015 Paris attacks, the agency was granted the anti-terrorism mandate (“thanks to the work we did from 2013 on,” said Franco Roberti, then DNAA chief). Two years later it was assigned migrant smuggling.
With the jurisdictional groundwork in place, the DNAA moved on to securing arrests. Working with police and European navies, they formalised the investigative methods at work in the case of the Libyan football players.
Law enforcement handbooks advised identifying smugglers based on details like clothing and attitude toward the police. They also said investigators should exploit the emotionally charged moments after a rescue, targeting the “weakest subjects” for information and witness statements against boat drivers. Because civil rescue ships operated by NGOs interfered with this activity, in a 2017 coordination meeting attended by EU law enforcement the DNAA top brass discussed charging them with aiding and abetting smuggling.
The arrests made through these methods led to outlandish stories eagerly reported by the media: smugglers branding migrants’ heads with knives, boat drivers tossing a toddler overboard to hinder rescue efforts of their own sinking boat, and human rights activists making under-the-table deals with traffickers. Though debunked in court, these accounts made lasting impressions on the public. And because they targeted people arriving in Italy on dinghies, those arrested weren’t even smugglers or traffickers.
The only high-profile target of the DNAA was the alleged trafficking kingpin Medhanie Yedhego Mered, an Eritrean accused of organising numerous sea journeys from Libya. The investigation, a collaboration between the DNAA and the UK’s National Crime Agency, culminated in a dramatic press conference announcing Mered’s arrest in Sudan.
However, it soon emerged that the man flown to Palermo from Khartoum on a military jet was actually Medhanie Tesfamariam Berhe, a carpenter from Asmara. Prosecutors held him in prison for three years before partly admitting the mistake.
Calogero Ferrara, the DNAA prosecutor behind the case and the proponent of the “Italian job” approach, responded by wiretapping Guardian journalist Lorenzo Tondo, who exposed the error, and later sued him for libel. He recently called to strengthen international legislation against migrant smuggling.
In a 2022 interview, even Franco Roberti, the former DNAA boss, recognised that the anti-migration strategy put in place after the Lampedusa shipwreck was a failure. But, he attributed it to a lack of cooperation from foreign police rather than any conceptual shortcoming. Lessons were not learnt.
Doubling down
After yet another shipwreck killed at least 94 people 150 metres from the Italian shore in February last year, Giorgia Meloni’s government doubled down once again. This time it established unprecedentedly high prison terms for those convicted of smuggling. Last January, she asked the DNAA to start investigating regular migration flows for potential document fraud as well.
Keir Starmer, the UK prime minister, recently visited Italy to learn more about the Italian model of combating irregular migration. At a joint press conference, Meloni said that she and “Starmer agree that the first thing to do is to step up the fight against the trafficking in human beings”. She emphasised that Italy’s strategy was inspired by Giovanni Falcone, the judge murdered by the Sicilian mafia in 1992 shortly after founding the DNAA, and called for a stronger role for Interpol and Europol in anti-smuggling efforts.
Starmer concurred, spelling out the goal of his Italy trip: “to share intelligence, share tactics, shut down smuggler routes, and smash the gangs”.
And around we go.
Explore the rest of the series
This series looks at how the UK, EU and bordering countries are increasingly treating migration as a criminal offence, and targeting migrants and solidarity actors in the name of ‘anti-smuggling’ and ‘border control’.
Protestors hold a banner outside Canterbury Crown Court to demonstrate against the conviction and sentencing of teenager Ibrahim Bah in February 2024 | Andrew Aitchison/In pictures/Getty Images. All rights reserved
Governments are locking teenagers up in a bid to catch smugglers – and failing vulnerable kids in the process
In December 2022, an inflatable dingy carrying dozens of people across the English Channel capsized. At least four people died. Ibrahima Bah, a teenager from Senegal, was identified by authorities as steering the dinghy and was arrested.
One of the people who died was Ibrahima’s friend. Neither of the friends had money, so Ibrahima initially agreed to steer the boat in exchange for their passage. He tried to back out when he saw the condition of the boat, but the adults organising the passage forced him to continue.
In February 2024, Bah was sentenced to almost ten years in prison for manslaughter by four counts of gross negligence, and for violating immigration rules. Despite Bah saving other passengers’ lives on the journey, mainstream headlines slammed him as a guilty ‘boat pilot’ and described him, wrongly, as an adult man.
Bah is one of dozens of children who have been charged for immigration offences across the UK and Europe. Most of those children are Black teenage boys travelling alone. Most of them were seeking safety and protection.
Accused children and their lawyers have spoken to openDemocracy from Greece, Italy and the UK about these huge miscarriages of justice.
They tell a story of racist and outdated age assessments, a lack of access to legal support and translators, bureaucratic mistakes, biased prosecutors and a fundamental lack of support.
“A dark place”
When he arrived in the UK, Bah didn’t know exactly how old he was. He was given an age assessment and declared to be over 18. Only later did a birth certificate emerge, showing that he was a minor. The courts rejected it and relied on the age assessment instead.
“I think Ibrahima struggles to understand, as do we, how he can possibly be held accountable for those people’s deaths,” says Maddie Harris of Humans for Rights Network, an organisation supporting people subjected to hostile border regimes.
Since June 2022, Humans for Rights Network has identified at least 23 minors prosecuted as adults for immigration offences. All of them are Black Africans, the majority Sudanese or South Sudanese.
“The reality of the child’s experience versus what they are accused of – they’re just not the same thing at all,” said Harris.
Most if not all children travelling irregularly go through a lot on their way to the UK. For more and more children, part of their transit now also includes getting coerced into steering the boats by those arranging the passage, often through violence, threats, or because they cannot afford the fare. Once they’re in the UK, they struggle to understand how the legal system can then paint them as criminals.
“They told me, ‘you are under arrest because you arrived in the UK without a visa,’” said Ameen (a pseudonym), one of those prosecuted children. “A couple of minutes later, they said, ‘you have to go to prison for a couple of days, and then you will go to court.’”
The next three days in the police station were the “darkest days” of his life, Ameen said. “One room, with nothing. A dark place. Nobody talks to you, nobody answers you. Stress. Words are not enough to explain those days. They were bad days, the worst that I have ever had in my life.”
Ameen went on to spend six months in an adult prison.
UK age assessments are “highly subjective”
Child asylum seekers get caught up in this system because of the way authorities determine their ages.
“When people arrive, they have the opportunity to state their age, usually by putting their finger on a number on a piece of paper,” said Vicky Taylor, a researcher at Oxford University and lead author of the 2024 report No Such Thing as Justice Here.
If a child is recognised as under 18, they are put in the care of the local authority. If they say they are a minor but are suspected of being older, they are subjected to further assessment.
“These initial inquiries have been shown to be unreliable,” said Taylor. “People are often in a confused state, having just landed in the UK after a long, dangerous and traumatic journey. They are not offered legal advice, interpreting or support.”
Age assessments tend to have three stages, according to Taylor. First, the young person is asked to recount their own personal timeline – when they left their home country, for instance, or the last birthday they can remember.
“Obviously it can be difficult [to assess] when people are from cultures in which birthdays are not celebrated or marked in the same way,” said Taylor. “Trauma also greatly affects young people’s ability to tell their story in a way that is legible to authorities.”
The second check is physical appearance. Assessors look at the potential child to see if they have beard lines, or to check how hairy their hands are, or how far back their hair line is. These are racialised markers, said Taylor.
Third, a person’s demeanour is assessed – how they engage with officials, react to questioning, and how they carry themselves.
All these checks “are highly subjective,” said Taylor, “and very difficult to ascertain within a ten-to-40-minute assessment.” Children travelling alone, as well as those who have been through difficult and traumatic experiences, are also less likely to present in ways that are obviously child-like.
It’s estimated that over 1,300 children were wrongly assessed as adults by the Home Office from January 2022 to June 2023
Many children who went through this process say they did not understand what they were asked. And for those who came away with a new age assigned to them, the number was often arbitrary.
Age assessments have been widely criticised by rights groups and researchers. An inquiry by the Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration between 2021 and 2022 described age assessments as “perfunctory” and noted that concerns had been raised at various times about the process.
“[Children’s] experiences include not being provided with the correct interpreter, being called liars and facing inappropriate comments about their physical appearance,” said Labour MP Andrew Western in the House of Commons. “This is unacceptable, and the reason it is so worrying is that the stakes are so high.”
Earlier this year, Refugee Council, Humans for Rights Network and the Helen Bamber Foundation reported that over 1,300 children had been wrongly assessed as adults by the Home Office from January 2022 to June 2023. The charities reported that children as young as 14 were forced to share rooms with unrelated adults, with no safeguards in place, and that children felt “unsafe, scared, and traumatised” by their experiences.
According to Harris, these figures are likely to be an undercount, since not all local authorities responded to requests for information, and some children continue to be prosecuted as adults.
“It’s a sort of conveyor belt,” said Harris. “They continue to prosecute children without adequately resolving their ages.”
Children branded as ‘traffickers’ in Italy
This is not just a problem in the UK. Italy is also taking child migrants to court, said Cinzia Pecoraro, a lawyer in Sicily. Similarly to Britain, outdated and racialised age markers are partly to blame.
Some of the methods Italian authorities use to measure people’s ages date back to the 1950s. One method uses X-rays to examine bone structure, based on samples of an Anglo-Saxon population. Its margin of error is between six months and two years, according to Pecoraro.
The moment I was arrested as a trafficker I was worried, because they accused me of something I didn’t do
Pecoraro represented one child from West Africa who was identified as steering the dinghy he arrived in.
“The moment I was arrested as a trafficker I was worried, because they accused me of something I didn’t do,” said Ola (a pseudonym) over text message.
Ola was originally identified as underage, but the Italian authorities intervened and subjected him to a flawed age assessment. He was moved to adult prison as a result.
“I felt sick, because they gave me an age that is not my age,” Ola said. “I felt it was racism.”
Ola spent a year in adult prison until Pecoraro was assigned to his case. “I realised that this was a child,” she said. “It was obvious.” She eventually got hold of a birth certificate, and after multiple delays his case was sent back to a minors’ court.
Ola is an adult now and the case is still pending. Despite being tried as a minor, he still faces serious consequences for allegedly steering the dinghy. “It’s been nine years,” Ola said. “Let’s hope to finish it soon so I can feel calm, because every moment I think about it.”
Pecoraro is confident Ola will be acquitted, but said he is lucky she was assigned to his case. She has a lot of experience defending minors in his position. “You need a proper defence,” she said. “Without it, they get convicted.”
These convictions are not happening in a political vacuum. The government of Georgia Meloni – who rose to power on the back of anti-immigrant rhetoric – has aggressively sought to reduce numbers of people arriving in Italy.
More and more people have been criminalised for the crime of ‘facilitation’ across the EU, allowed under the soon-to-be-expanded Facilitation Directive. And in Italy, Pecoraro says prosecutors seemed determined to continue.
“It’s common knowledge these journeys do not have a formal crew or driver. They are only passengers, forced to steer the boat,” she said. “This is [well] known, but prosecutors don’t want to surrender.”
Kids caught up in Greece’s hostile system
Thousands of people are likewise in prison in Greece for the crime of ‘facilitation’, with at least one or two people arrested per dinghy arriving. As a result, racialised people serving time for ‘smuggling’ related offences comprise the second largest prison population in the whole of Greece.
Sometimes just being seen by authorities at the rear of a boat is enough for a person to be identified as ‘driving’. Kani (a pseudonym), a young person from an African country, was 19 when he arrived in Greece. He was arrested after being falsely identified for driving the dinghy.
M. E., now 16, is awaiting trial and faces a possible 4,670-year sentence for ‘smuggling’
“I didn’t touch the steering wheel, and I have no idea about driving or anything else,” wrote Kani in a text message. “They took me to prison after that. I had no idea why they took me in the first place. I didn’t even realise that the matter was this serious. I didn’t understand anything. I said to myself, ‘what is happening’? I was literally terrified.”
In 2023, H. E.*, an Egyptian fisherman, was sentenced to 280 years in prison for piloting a dinghy from Libya to Crete. Unable to pay for himself and his teenage son, he had agreed to steer. His son, M. E.*, now 16, is awaiting his own trial and faces a possible 4,670-year sentence for ‘smuggling’.
In reality, M. E. won’t serve a sentence of this length – even if he could live that long. Maria Flouraki, the teenager’s lawyer, said he’ll likely be released before a decade is up. While Greek courts regularly hand out decades or even centuries-long sentences for smuggling cases, sentences are generally capped at 20-25 years, with options for early release.
The crime of ‘facilitation’ – legalese for smuggling – comes from the 2002 EU Facilitation Directive, and is interpreted very widely by Greek authorities. In this case, the child providing his father support while he steered the boat – helping pass out food and water, for instance – was enough to make him legally complicit.
Flouraki said M. E. could not understand why he was accused of being a smuggler. “He was just a kid following his father. He had no other option.”
She is hopeful he will be acquitted once in front of a judge, as is generally the case for minors. Flouraki’s client is not being prosecuted as an adult, but children are sometimes identified and charged as adults.
Dimitris Choulis is a lawyer on the Greek island of Samos. Many of the minors he works with have spent months in adult prison before being released. “To be honest, it’s always been like this,” said Choulis.
One of Choulis’s clients is a child currently locked up in an adult prison. Choulis says he has the birth certificate, and hopes it will help him to get his client out of adult prison and into the minors’ system soon.
Choulis does not believe Greece is deliberately trying to criminalise children. Rather, he thinks that children are getting caught up in a system beset with structural failures. But, he said, such problems could be avoided if the system gave children more time and support.
“They don’t give them the opportunity, and these [children] don’t know what they have to say,” said Choulis. “They are [hearing] a strange language, in a strange country, and they’re in handcuffs. They don’t know what to say, and they haven’t seen a lawyer.”
Whether children are locked up because of embedded racism in age assessments, overzealous prosecutors or bureaucratic errors, the result is the same.
Children are paying the price because the UK and EU governments are more intent on securing their borders than safeguarding the rights of people seeking asylum, said Vicky Taylor. “States are willing to override their obligations to children because they’re preoccupied with the performance of security.”
*Full names have been withheld to protect their identities
