Jury retires in trial of ‘Elbit Eight’ who shut down Israeli arms factories

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Original article by Anita Mureithi at OpenDemocracy shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence.

Activists say their actions in 2020 and 2021 were lawfully justified amid Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilians

The ‘Elbit Eight’ – Jocelyn Cooney, Nicola Deane, Caroline Brouard, Emily Arnott, Huda Ammori, Richard Barnard, Genevieve Scherer and Robin Refualu – at Snaresbrook Crown Court last month  | Guy Smallman/Getty Images

Jurors have begun deliberations in the trial of the ‘Elbit eight’, a group of activists with Palestine Action accused of offences relating to the shutdown of UK operations by Elbit Systems, Israel’s largest arms producer.

The eight have been on trial for four weeks at Snaresbrook Crown Court in north-east London. They do not deny the charges of burglary, criminal damage, encouraging offences of criminal damage, possessing articles with intent to cause criminal damage, and threatening to damage property belonging to Jones Lang LaSalle – a company that provides services in relation to one of Elbit’s UK sites – but they have argued that they were lawfully justified in their actions.

Over the past month, jurors have heard how the activists, in the years 2020 to 2021, deployed tactics such as rooftop occupations, window smashing, and spray painting to force Elbit out of the UK and cease the production of lethal weapons used against Palestinian civilians.

Though the prosecution has described their actions as “wanton criminality”, defence barristers have placed great emphasis on the fact that the defendants acted under the belief that if decision-makers at Elbit UK, UAV Systems and Jones Lang LaSalle understood the true extent of the atrocities committed using Elbit manufactured systems, then they would have consented to their actions.

Richard Barnard, Huda Ammori, Robin Refualu, Genevieve Scherer, Milly Arnott, Caroline Brouard, Jocelyn Cooney and Nicola Deane are charged in various combinations on 13 counts relating to a series of incidents in London, Kent, Oldham and Staffordshire.

As barristers for each of the defendants delivered their closing speeches on Tuesday, a number of them reminded jurors that many historical rights movements were once vilified – including the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, and the civil rights movement in the US.

Barnard’s lawyer said: “It’s no good if in a few weeks’ or months’ time, if you’re pushing your trolley around Tesco, and you think: ‘Oh, I’m not sure we did get that right.’ That’s the heavy responsibility you have.”

He added: “People are allowed, in the free society that you represent as jurors, to hold strong beliefs. Some hold them more strongly than others. Not many would don an adult nappy [a reference to protests that saw activists stay in place for long periods of time]. It takes a certain type of person to do that. A certain strength of belief.

“But these people are important. [They] bring issues perhaps that most of us are content to read about or listen to from the comfort of our own homes.

“Times change, opinions change, and sometimes it takes others to bring matters to our attention which change our opinion. It’s almost laughable to think that women once didn’t have the right to vote.”

All defendants except Scherer and Cooney are charged with at least one count of criminal damage, while all except Brouard, Cooney and Deane are charged with at least one count of burglary. Cooney is charged only with encouraging offences of criminal damage and possessing articles with intent to cause criminal damage.

Original article by Anita Mureithi at OpenDemocracy shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence.

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Most US Voters Agree: Make Big Oil Pay for Climate Damage

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Original article by BRETT WILKINS at Common Dreams shared under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0).

Two-thirds of U.S. voters surveyed by Data for Progress support making fossil fuel companies pay for the damage their products cause to the climate.  (Photo: rmitsch/Getty Images)

“Voters resoundingly endorse fossil fuel companies contributing their fair share to address a crisis they helped manufacture and still refuse to help fix,” said one campaigner.

As yet another United Nations Climate Change Conference winds down without a meaningful agreement on phasing out fossil fuels, polling released Tuesday by Data for Progress revealed strong bipartisan support among U.S. voters for legislation forcing oil and gas companies to pay for their role in fueling the planetary emergency.

The survey of 1,279 U.S. voters, conducted November 3-6, found that around two-thirds of all likely voters support such legislation, a +40-point net margin. Among Democrats, support for the proposed bill is 88%, while 61% of Independent and 46% of Republicans either strongly or somewhat back the proposal.

“In a resounding call for accountability, two-thirds of the American people support legislation demanding industry titans like Exxon and Shell shoulder their fair share of the climate damages inflicted by fossil fuels.”

Asked if they were more or less likely to support elected officials who prioritize making Big Oil pay for its climate pollution, 64% of overall respondents, 89% of Democrats, and 58% of Independents answered “more likely.” Republicans were the only group whose members were less likely to back officials who would make oil and gas companies pay for their pollution.

“In a resounding call for accountability, two-thirds of the American people support legislation demanding industry titans like Exxon and Shell shoulder their fair share of the climate damages inflicted by fossil fuels,” Fossil Free Media communications director Cassidy DiPaola said in a statement.

“With COP spotlighting the towering price tag of climate change, voters resoundingly endorse fossil fuel companies contributing their fair share to address a crisis they helped manufacture and still refuse to help fix,” she added, referencing the U.N. summit.

The poll follows the September launch of the “Make Polluters Pay” campaign, a public relations blitz meant to drum up public support for suing fossil fuel corporations—which knew that their products caused climate change decades before publicly saying so.

That month, California joined dozens of states and municipalities that have targeted fossil fuel giants in court,suing five fossil fuel giants—ExxonMobil, Shell, BP, ConocoPhillips, and Chevron—over their decadeslong effort to deceive the public about their products’ role in fueling global heating.

The new survey’s findings also came as so-called “loss and damage”—the harm caused by anthropogenic climate change—features prominently at COP28. However, climate campaigners were once again disappointed as the United States and other top polluters failed to make meaningful contributions to the fund.

The rich nations most responsible for the climate catastrophe pledged just $700 million between them, the equivalent of under 0.2% of the irreversible losses Global South countries suffer each year during the worsening planetary crisis. The United States pledged a paltry $17.5 million.

“Every year, we travel across oceans to come to these negotiations and we continue to get only drops of ambition,” Drue Slatter, a Fijian climate campaigner attending COP28, wrote in an opinion piece published Tuesday by Common Dreams.

“Facing the catastrophic effects of extreme weather at home and watching the slow progress of the negotiations, it was hard not to be pessimistic before we even arrived at COP28,” Slatter added. “But the point is that we can’t afford not to be here, we can’t afford to stop fighting because what’s at stake is our very survival.”

Original article by BRETT WILKINS at Common Dreams shared under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0).

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‘Earth Needs Our Help’: California Kids Sue EPA Over Climate Pollution

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Original article by JESSICA CORBETT at Common Dreams shared under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). 

Children in California are suing the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.  (Photo: Our Children’s Trust)

“We’re challenging the EPA’s failure to protect us. The air we breathe has become a casualty of their opposition.”

As the United Nations climate talks cast a spotlight on the fossil fuel-driven climate emergency, the U.S. law firm Our Children’s Trust on Sunday launched a constitutional lawsuit against the Biden administration on behalf of 18 California children “growing up with polluted air and a government-imposed and -sanctioned climate crisis.”

Filed in the U.S. District Court in the Central District of California, the complaint takes aim at the federal government, the Environmental Protection Agency, and its administrator, Michael Regan, arguing that the “EPA’s conduct in controlling the pollution that enters the nation’s air actively discriminates against children, and these plaintiffs, knowingly causing them disproportionate harm compared to similarly situated adults and burdening them with a lifetime of hardship.”

Avroh, a 14-year-old plaintiff, said in a statement Monday that “we are experiencing what no one should have to experience. We’re facing constitutional negligence. We’re challenging the EPA’s failure to protect us. The air we breathe has become a casualty of their opposition.”

Another plaintiff, 8-year-old Neela, said that “I believe kids can make a difference and the Earth needs our help. I want to help protect the people and places I love. I’m excited to be a part of this case and be a voice for all kids who deserve a healthy environment.”

“We feel a constant worry about the future, and all around us no one is moving fast enough.”

Catherine Smith, of counsel to Our Children’s Trust—which secured a landmark victory while representing Montana youth in state court earlier this year—argued that “in times like this, when the legislative and executive branches have breached their obligation to young people by intentionally allowing climate pollution and explicitly discounting children’s lives in some political or economic calculus fully aware of its consequences to youth, courts must serve as a constitutional backstop to end it.”

The plaintiffs—who are ages 8-17—are seeking “a declaratory judgment that as children they are entitled to a heightened level of
judicial review over government conduct that burdens them with lifetimes of hardship, that they are members of a constitutionally protected class, and that defendants have violated their constitutional rights,” according to the complaint.

“They also seek declaratory relief that defendants have infringed their fundamental rights to life, including their personal security and happiness, and in so doing have also acted outside the scope of their delegated authority,” the filing adds. “Plaintiffs seek further relief as deemed necessary and proper to enforce a declaratory judgment after the facts are found and the legal conclusions of the district court are rendered on a full evidentiary record.”

Noah, a 15-year-old plaintiff, warned that “time is slipping away, and the impact of the climate crisis is already hitting us directly. We are running from wildfires, being displaced by floods, panicking in hot classrooms during another heatwave.”

“We feel a constant worry about the future, and all around us no one is moving fast enough,” Noah noted. “The Constitution guarantees every American the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness including and especially children.”

Our Children’s Trust chief legal counsel Julia Olson declared that “these children are rising up from fire, smoke, heat, and flood to share their stories of physical harm and despair, along with their clarion call to adults—’our equal rights to life matter as much as yours.'”

“There is one federal agency explicitly tasked with keeping the air clean and controlling pollution to protect the health of every child and the welfare of a nation—the EPA,” she continued. “The agency has done the opposite when it comes to climate pollution and it’s time the EPA is held accountable by our courts for violating the U.S. Constitution and misappropriating its congressionally delegated authority.”

In addition to representing youth plaintiffs in Held v. State of Montana—which the state is now appealing—Our Children’s Trust is the group behind Juliana v. United States, the constitutional climate lawsuit first filed on behalf of 21 young people in 2015. While a June ruling put Juliana on track to proceed to trial, the Biden administration continues its battle to quash the case.

E&E News reported Monday that “while Juliana targets a swath of government agencies,” the new case, Genesis B. v. EPA, singles out one agency. Our Children’s Trust senior staff attorney Andrea Rodgers explained that the firm hopes the focus will mean that the EPA “won’t fight this case” in the way that the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations have targeted Juliana.

Original article by JESSICA CORBETT at Common Dreams shared under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). 

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‘We Are Complicit’: Sanders Urges Biden to Curb Israel Military Aid

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U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders speaking with attendees at the Presidential Gun Sense Forum hosted by Everytown for Gun Safety and Moms Demand Action at the Iowa Events Center in Des Moines, Iowa. Image by Gage Skidmore from Peoria, AZ shared under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic license.
U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders speaking with attendees at the Presidential Gun Sense Forum hosted by Everytown for Gun Safety and Moms Demand Action at the Iowa Events Center in Des Moines, Iowa. Image by Gage Skidmore shared under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic license.

Original article by JAKE JOHNSON at Common Dreams shared under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). 

Israeli atrocities in Gaza are being carried out by “bombs and equipment produced and provided by the United States and heavily subsidized by American taxpayers,” the Vermont senator wrote.

Calling the Netanyahu government’s ongoing assault on the Gaza Strip “immoral” and illegal under international law, U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders on Wednesday urged President Joe Biden to drop his support for the portion of a supplemental foreign aid package that would give the Israeli military more than $10 billion in unconditional assistance.

Sanders (I-Vt.), who has faced backlash from Palestinian rights advocates for rejecting calls for a permanent cease-fire in Gaza, also pushed Biden to “support efforts at the United Nations to end the bloodshed, such as the recent resolution, vetoed by the United States, that would have demanded an immediate humanitarian cease-fire, the unconditional release of all hostages, and full humanitarian access.”

The senator’s letter to Biden was made public a day after the U.S. joined just nine other nations in voting against a U.N. General Assembly resolution calling for a cease-fire. The nonbinding resolution passed overwhelmingly, leaving the U.S. “increasingly isolated in its steadfast support of a war that seems to have no rules and no limits,” as the executive director of Doctors Without Borders put it following Tuesday’s vote.

“The U.S. must not provide $10 billion in military aid for Netanyahu’s right-wing government to conduct their horrific war against innocent Palestinians.”

Sanders argued in his letter that “while there is a moral case for a military response against a brutal terrorist attack, it is clear that the Netanyahu government’s current campaign is being conducted in a deeply immoral way.”

“Israel’s reliance on widespread and indiscriminate bombardment, including with massive explosive ordinance in densely populated urban areas, is unconscionable,” Sanders wrote. “This constitutes not just a humanitarian cataclysm, but a mass atrocity. And it is being done with bombs and equipment produced and provided by the United States and heavily subsidized by American taxpayers.”

“Tragically, we are complicit in this carnage,” the senator added, pointing to a recent Amnesty International investigation showing that the Israeli military used U.S.-made munitions to bomb two family homes in the Gaza Strip in October, killing 43 members of two families—including 19 children.

Sanders went on to criticize the Biden administration’s timid response to Israel’s massacres in Gaza, writing that the U.S. has “done little but ask nicely while continuing to enable” the Netanyahu government’s devastating military campaign.

“While it is appropriate to support defensive systems that will protect Israeli civilians against incoming missile and rocket attacks,” Sanders argued, “it would be irresponsible to provide an additional $10.1 billion in military aid beyond these defensive systems as contained in the proposed supplemental foreign aid package.”

Sanders asked Biden to “withdraw” his support for that element of the larger aid package to stop fueling “the continuation of the Netanyahu government’s widespread, indiscriminate bombardment.”

Biden said Tuesday that Israel’s “indiscriminate bombing” of the Gaza Strip is costing the country support on the world stage, but administration officials made clear Wednesday that the U.S. “has no plans to shift its position and draw any red lines around the transfer of weapons and munitions to Israel,” CNN reported.

Original article by JAKE JOHNSON at Common Dreams shared under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). 

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CCC: Here’s how the UK can get reliable zero-carbon electricity by 2035

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Original article republished from Carbon Brief under a CC license.

The UK can build a reliable, secure and cost-effective electricity system that is decarbonised by 2035, says the government’s advisory Climate Change Committee (CCC).

The CCC’s new report is based on new hour-by-hour modelling of the country’s electricity system out to 2035, which includes stress-tests of how it could ride out extended “wind droughts”.

In effect, the report is a 131-page answer to the question often posed by those sceptical of climate action: “But what about when the wind does not blow and the sun does not shine?”

The CCC sees cheap – but variable – wind and solar meeting 70% of demand. While nuclear and biomass might meet another 20%, they are “relatively inflexible”. Therefore, the final 10% is key.

This 10% will largely come from “flexible low-carbon” solutions, such as batteries, compressed air storage and responsive demand. Crucially, however, gaps lasting days to weeks at a time will be filled by gas with carbon capture and storage (CCS) and/or hydrogen power.

As an additional source of security, the committee endorses a small remaining role for unabated gas power in 2035. This would meet “up to around 2%” of annual demand, down from 40% today.

The importance of hydrogen is clear, as nearly one-quarter of the report is given over to its role. 

However, the committee stresses the risks of medium-term scarcity in hydrogen supply, which would be even larger if the government prioritises using hydrogen to heat homes.

Overall, the CCC says the flexible, secure and decarbonised electricity grid of 2035 is “within sight”, but only with “urgent reform”.

Its 25 recommendations for government include easing the planning and regulatory regimes, so that energy infrastructure can be built at the speed necessary.

These reforms are required to unlock hundreds of billions in investment needed to build a reliable, decarbonised grid by 2035, the CCC says.

What will power the UK’s electricity system in 2035?

The UK government is aiming to “fully decarbonise” Great Britain’s electricity system by 2035. (Northern Ireland is part of a separate electricity system covering the island of Ireland.)

This target was recommended by the CCC in 2020. It was then adopted by the government in its 2021 net-zero strategy and reiterated in the 2022 energy security strategy.

Today’s report stresses how important it will be to meet the 2035 target. It says this will be “the central requirement for achieving net-zero [by 2050]”. Moreover, it says that “reliable, resilient and plentiful decarbonised electricity – at an affordable price to consumers…is within sight”.

Yet “the government has not yet provided a coherent strategy to achieve its goal”, the CCC says. The report adds that “our increasingly electrified society…must have resilience embedded throughout”. (See: How can the electricity system withstand extreme weather?)

(The opposition Labour Party has proposed a “stretch” target of a decarbonised grid by 2030, five years earlier than the UK’s current goal. CCC chief executive Chris Stark told a pre-launch press briefing that this would be a “huge challenge”.)

The report sets out what a decarbonised electricity system might look like in 2035, how it would maintain security of supply, and what would be needed to bring it about. (See: What needs to change to decarbonise UK electricity by 2035?)

The starting point for the analysis is that electricity demand will rise to 50% above pre-Covid levels by 2035 and 100% by 2050, as shown in the figure below. Buildings (red), transport (purple) and industry (orange) will increasingly run on electricity, rather than fossil fuels.

(This assumption is based on the CCC’s “balanced pathway” to meeting the sixth carbon budget, the UK’s legally binding limit on emissions during 2028-2032.)

Electricity demand in the CCC’s “balanced pathway”, terawatt hours per year, showing increases relative to current levels broken down by source sector. Source: CCC.
Electricity demand in the CCC’s “balanced pathway”, terawatt hours per year, showing increases relative to current levels broken down by source sector. Source: CCC.

In addition to rising demand from electrification, the CCC accounts for shifts in energy use due to climate change, including hotter, drier summers and warmer, wetter winters.

To meet rising demand, the CCC points to wind and solar as the cheapest forms of electricity generation in the UK. (The same is true for the vast majority of the world’s population.)

The wider costs of integrating these variable renewables into the electricity system are also modest. According to the CCC, the cost of strengthening the grid and building flexible back-up supplies for wind and solar amounts to just £10-20 per megawatt hour (MWh).

As such, variable renewables remain the cheapest way to generate the bulk of the country’s electricity and the CCC says they “should form the backbone of the future system”.

In the report’s central pathway, 70% of electricity in 2035 comes from wind and solar. Other renewables, such as tidal, may also play a role, but are “currently relatively expensive”.

This is shown in the figure below, with offshore wind (blue), onshore wind (light blue) and solar (orange) making up the large bulk of electricity supplies by 2035.

(The remaining 30% of supplies are discussed below the chart.)

Electricity generation in Great Britain, by source, terawatt hours per year. BECCS is bioenergy with carbon capture and storage. “Dispatchable low-carbon” is gas CCS or hydrogen. “Other” includes combined heat and power plants, as well as unabated biomass without CCS. Source: CCC.
Electricity generation in Great Britain, by source, terawatt hours per year. BECCS is bioenergy with carbon capture and storage. “Dispatchable low-carbon” is gas CCS or hydrogen. “Other” includes combined heat and power plants, as well as unabated biomass without CCS. Source: CCC.

Nuclear is “relatively expensive on a levelised cost basis”, the CCC says, but it “can provide valuable zero-carbon generation at scale”. It could also have a role in hydrogen production.

The CCC also sees a role for bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS), as long as the biomass is sourced sustainably. Unabated bioenergy is costly and has “significant lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions”, the report says, so current subsidies should not extend beyond 2027.

In contrast, it says BECCS is one of the best ways to use limited supplies of sustainable biomass. It also says the UK should shift away from imported biomass, towards domestic supplies.

(The government’s biomass strategy, due at the end of 2022, has not yet been published.) 

The CCC, therefore, sees nuclear and BECCS generating another 20% of electricity in 2035. However, these technologies are “relatively inflexible” – for practical and economic reasons – meaning they are not suited to balancing variable output from wind and solar.

This leaves a small, but “essential” chunk of electricity supplies – the last 10% in the CCC’s report – that must be met by “low-carbon flexible solutions”, which need “equal focus” from government. (See: Where will the UK get electricity when it is not windy?)

These flexible solutions will be needed to balance variable output from wind and solar on a range of timescales, the CCC explains. They will also be needed to absorb excess renewable output, which will exceed demand around one-third of the time in 2035, according to the CCC.

Short-term variability within each day includes the daily cycle of solar output. On daily to weekly timescales, the system will need to manage longer-lasting weather patterns, including what the report calls “wind droughts” – extended periods when generation from windfarms is low.

Finally, the report considers monthly to yearly variability, including across seasons. It notes that wind generation is highest during winter, when demand also peaks. Nevertheless, it says planning for potential seasonal variability in supply and demand will be needed.

What modelling did the CCC commission?

Having established the clear need for a portfolio of flexible low-carbon solutions, the CCC report explores what types and mixture of technologies might be needed.

To do this, it commissioned detailed, hour-by-hour modelling from consultancy Afry. The company has recently carried out related work for the UK government, looking at long-duration storage technologies, and for National Grid Electricity System Operator, looking at how to maintain a reliable grid on the path to net-zero, if some options fail to deliver as expected.

The modelling for the CCC looks at supply and demand in the electricity system, as well as the production and storage of hydrogen. (See: How will the UK use hydrogen in 2035?).

It covers the electricity system of Great Britain, broken down into 11 regions, as well as wider European markets that are connected via interconnector cables and shared weather patterns.

The modelling assumes the capacity of nuclear and renewables increases in line with government targets. Similarly, it assumes electricity demand rises in line with the CCC’s balanced pathway. (Side cases in the modelling look at higher or lower demand for electricity and hydrogen.)

With these assumptions, the model first calculates how much electricity would be generated by inflexible renewables and nuclear, in each hour in 2035, using a range of historical weather data.

Second, the model works out the cheapest way to meet any differences between inflexible supply and estimated hourly demand – the “residual demand” – using a variety of flexible solutions.

The report sets out a range of flexibility options, able to operate over different timescales and illustrated in the figure below. The top line shows the main source of flexibility today, unabated gas. This has high carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, indicated by the red shading.

The next lines show low-carbon technologies also able to operate over the medium to longer term – namely, gas with carbon capture and storage (CCS, shaded blue to indicate low carbon emissions) or hydrogen turbines (green, indicating the potential to be zero-carbon).

The rest of the table includes energy-storage technologies, such as batteries, pumped hydro and compressed or liquid air storage, as well as flexible solutions on the demand side. These include smart response, where, for example, electric vehicles are charged when it is windy, and electrolysis, where excess electricity supplies are used to make hydrogen from water, for later use.

Flexible technologies for electricity supply and demand, according to the timescales they can operate over and their carbon emissions, shaded from green (zero carbon) through to red (high carbon). Source: CCC. Figure by Tom Prater for Carbon Brief.
Flexible technologies for electricity supply and demand, according to the timescales they can operate over and their carbon emissions, shaded from green (zero carbon) through to red (high carbon). Source: CCC. Figure by Tom Prater for Carbon Brief.

The CCC report notes that other storage technologies exist, including “flow batteries”, flywheels, gravity storage and thermal storage. However, it says these are generally at earlier stages of commercialisation and so they are not included in the modelling.

Finally, the report includes interconnectors that link the GB electricity grid with neighbouring countries. There are already a significant number of these cables and many more are planned.

These allow excess electricity generation to be exported or shortfalls to be covered by imports. However, the CCC notes: “Generation in neighbouring markets will also be impacted by climate and weather extremes, potentially impacting their ability to export to the UK at particular times.”

The modelling calculates the cheapest combination of these flexible solutions, needed to maintain a secure and reliable electricity supply in 2035. In the central scenario, it assumes a “normal” weather year, based on what the country experienced in 2012.

The findings are then “stress-tested” to see what would happen if certain technologies over- or under-deliver, as well as the impact of extreme weather events, such as “wind droughts”. (In Germany, this weather event is referred to as a dunkelflaute.)

This includes the low wind speeds seen during 2010, which was a one-in-50 year event. It also includes an “extreme”, 30-day wind drought combined with very high electricity demand. This extreme scenario is artificially constructed and has “[no] historical precedent”.

Where will the UK get electricity when it is not windy?

Based on the results of the modelling it commissioned, the CCC endorses a “renewables-based energy system” that “mak[es] the most of abundant natural resources”.

It says this system “can provide a secure and reliable supply of energy”, provided it is complemented by a portfolio of low-carbon flexibility drawn from the list above.

Gas CCS and hydrogen turbines, which is the “dispatchable” low-carbon backup identified as key to bridging longer gaps in renewable output, would generate 40 terawatt hours (TWh) a year.

This varies between 25 and 60TWh in the various scenarios and stress tests considered. While this low-carbon dispatchable supply is mostly made up of hydrogen generation in the modelling, the CCC groups the two together, due to uncertainty over their future costs.

(Table 2.1 of the report lists flexible low-carbon costs. It says gas CCS would cost £75-90 per megawatt hour in 2035, while hydrogen turbines would cost £65-125/MWh, in part depending on whether they are built at new plants or retrofitted at existing gas-fired power stations.)

The need for low-carbon backup is illustrated in the figure below, showing how demand is met even when a lack of wind leaves large gaps in supply.

Low-carbon dispatchable generation (green) meets the bulk of this “residual demand”. However, unabated gas power (black), electricity imports (pink) and grid storage (pale green) also make important contributions to balancing supply and demand.

Note how, even in this example, which is chosen to illustrate the largest “residual demand” of any modelled four-week period in 2035, there are still times when supply from renewables and nuclear exceeds demand – and the residual turns negative (see next figure).

Flexible technologies that meet “residual demand” in the four weeks where this is highest in 2035, under the “central” scenario modelled for the CCC. Residual demand is the difference between overall demand and supply from renewables and nuclear. Source: CCC.
Flexible technologies that meet “residual demand” in the four weeks where this is highest in 2035, under the “central” scenario modelled for the CCC. Residual demand is the difference between overall demand and supply from renewables and nuclear. Source: CCC.

In addition to filling gaps in renewable generation, the CCC also looks at what would happen when output from wind, solar and nuclear exceeds demand, creating a surplus. It says this would largely be used to make hydrogen, by splitting water using electrolysis.

The modelled four-week period in 2035 with the lowest residual demand is shown in the figure below, with electrolysis (yellow) absorbing the bulk of the surplus. Electricity exports to neighbouring countries (lilac) would take up most of the remainder.

Flexible technologies that absorb “residual demand” in the four weeks where this is lowest in 2035, under the “central” scenario modelled for the CCC. Residual demand is the difference between overall demand and supply from renewables and nuclear. Source: CCC.
Flexible technologies that absorb “residual demand” in the four weeks where this is lowest in 2035, under the “central” scenario modelled for the CCC. Residual demand is the difference between overall demand and supply from renewables and nuclear. Source: CCC.

The modelling shows the UK would need significant numbers of low-carbon dispatchable power plants to keep the lights on when the wind is not blowing, totalling some 17 gigawatts (GW).

In addition, the CCC endorses the retention of a smaller number of unabated gas-fired power stations – some 11GW in its central case – which would only be switched on 10% of the time.

These backup capacities increase when modelling a “low wind year” based on 2010, which the CCC judges to have been a 1-in-50 year event. They would need to be slightly higher again to cope with the artificial extreme 30-day wind drought used to stress test the modelling results.

In these cases, the capacity of low-carbon dispatchable sources would reach 20 and 25GW, respectively, while unabated gas capacity would rise to 25GW.

The CCC says it is up to the government to decide “how much allowance to build into the system to account for uncertainties around future weather”. However, it recommends that any new gas plants should be “properly CCS- and/or hydrogen ready as soon as possible and by 2025 at the latest”, so that they can continue being used even if less unabated capacity is needed.

At a pre-launch press briefing, the CCC’s head of net-zero David Joffe told Carbon Brief that maintaining security of supply would justify using “a bit more” unabated gas in 2035, if necessary, even if that meant technically breaching the government’s target for a fully decarbonised system.

However, the report says:

“In the longer-term there should not be a role for unabated gas and there is more scope to sufficiently develop alternatives and address potential delivery risk.”

Other recommendations in the report include boosting the geographical diversity in the spread of offshore wind capacity between the east and west coasts of the UK. This would reduce the impact of wind droughts, by making wind generation more consistent.

Note that the modelling for the CCC assumes that government targets are met for the building of new renewable and nuclear capacities. Various other recent modelling studies have looked at the optimal mix of wind, solar, nuclear and flexible low-carbon technologies, in some cases taking into account the potential failure of certain options to deliver as expected.

While these other studies come up with different numbers for the specific levels of each technology that might be needed in 2035, their broad conclusions are all consistent with the CCC.

All of the modelling points to a decarbonised electricity system being primarily fueled by wind and solar, with essential supporting roles for low-carbon flexibility.

Overall, the decarbonised electricity system sketched out by the CCC would offer significant wider benefits, the report says, in addition to enabling the UK’s net-zero target.

The CCC says this system would be “cost-effective” because it would be built on cheap wind and solar – despite the costs imposed by their variable output. Buying the low-carbon flexibility needed to balance this variability will be expensive, but only makes up a fraction of demand.

In addition, the decarbonised system would “dramatic[ally]” reduce gas consumption, cutting the UK’s exposure to the volatile international fossil fuel markets behind the global energy crisis.

Finally, the CCC says the shift to a decarbonised energy system presents opportunities for economic growth. It points to the example of the offshore wind industry, where employment is set to reach nearly 100,000 by 2030 on the back of £155bn in private investment.

How will the UK use hydrogen in 2035?

The CCC report included hydrogen production and storage in its modelling due to the “important role” this will play in providing flexible electricity supply and demand.

A full quarter of the 131 pages are dedicated to hydrogen production, use and infrastructure. It stresses the medium-term scarcity of hydrogen and the gap between potential demand and reality.

One key recommendation, resulting from this scarcity, is for a “cross-sectoral infrastructure strategy” that “must narrow the space” for future hydrogen uses.

There has also been recent evidence that hydrogen emissions escaping from gas pipelines have a stronger warming effect in the atmosphere than previously thought, the CCC notes.

A clear target of these comments is hydrogen in heating, which the committee consistently frames as a potential hindrance to more important uses, such as the power sector. 

Hydrogen power plants could provide a dispatchable power source in a low-carbon grid. As noted above, the CCC leaves open the question of whether the UK should focus on hydrogen turbines or their main alternative – gas plants with carbon capture and storage (CCS).

While the modelling for its report “typically favours” hydrogen over gas CCS, the CCC concludes that the balance between the two “remains unclear” due to uncertain future costs and efficiencies.

An additional benefit of using hydrogen is that it can be used to store low-carbon power when supply exceeds demand – on a particularly windy or sunny day, for example.

Overall, the CCC says hydrogen’s role in decarbonising electricity “remains uncertain”, largely due to concerns about how to make the gas in sufficient volumes.

It says the government’s hydrogen capacity targets of 2GW and 10GW by 2025 and 2030, respectively, are “on the lower end of what could be needed” across the UK economy.

Funding mechanisms and business models for meeting both hydrogen and CCS goals are still being developed and the report urges the government to finalise them this year.

The report explores what it terms the “domestic hydrogen demand-supply gap”. As a starting point, it assesses how much hydrogen could be produced using surplus electricity during times of excess generation, plus a small amount of biomass gasification.

The results can be seen in the chart below, which shows the gap between hydrogen production (red and orange) and potential demand in different scenarios (purple). There will only be enough surplus electricity (dark orange) to make 36TWh of hydrogen by 2035, falling far short of the 52-106TWh that could be required in the power sector alone (dark purple).

The gap between annual domestic hydrogen production (red and orange) and demand (purple) in Great Britain, for the years 2035 (left) and 2050 (right). This is based on Afry modelling, which uses demand values from the CCC’s sixth carbon budget. Hydrogen production values have been taken from the Afry central scenario. Source: CCC.
The gap between annual domestic hydrogen production (red and orange) and demand (purple) in Great Britain, for the years 2035 (left) and 2050 (right). This is based on Afry modelling, which uses demand values from the CCC’s sixth carbon budget. Hydrogen production values have been taken from the Afry central scenario. Source: CCC.

David Joffe, head of net-zero at the CCC, told journalists at a pre-launch press briefing:

“There’s going to be a gap by 2035 and the more hydrogen that we use in 2035 the bigger the gap will be that we will then need to fill with imported energy, whether that’s importing fossil gas to produce hydrogen here, or whether that’s importing the energy in a different way.”

The report considers how the UK might close this gap. It looks at “green” hydrogen, made by splitting water with renewable electricity, and “blue” hydrogen, made from gas with the resulting CO2 emissions captured and stored.

It warns against building dedicated low-carbon power infrastructure solely to produce green hydrogen, at least in the short term, stating:

“Zero-carbon electricity must be prioritised to displace fossil generation and meet core electricity needs.”

Importing green hydrogen from nations where it is cheaper to produce is “unlikely to be cost-competitive in the near-term”, the report concludes, noting that such imports may compete with domestic supplies by 2050.

The CCC also points out that blue hydrogen has problems of its own, including reliance on imported gas and the fact that its production still results in greenhouse gas emissions, providing overall emissions savings of just 60-85% compared to regular gas.

However, in the absence of sufficient green hydrogen, blue hydrogen is described as having “an important part to play in filling the gap” for hydrogen in the power supply, at least until the 2040s. 

Joffe says that it may be possible to become self-sufficient in hydrogen by 2050, but the more hydrogen demand there is in the system the harder this will be.

The CCC’s sixth carbon budget, published in 2020, included hydrogen being used to heat just 11% of homes, mostly in “hybrid” systems as backup for heat pumps. It explored other scenarios with more widespread use of hydrogen for home heating, with correspondingly higher demand overall.

However, in the new report it says high gas costs and new evidence on blue hydrogen’s risks “provide[s] further support for the limited role for hydrogen in building decarbonisation”. It also says hydrogen would be “much less efficient” than electric heat pumps.

The report explains that cutting overall hydrogen demand in the economy would reduce demand for blue hydrogen “with the volume of electrolysis largely unaffected”. 

In addition to potential production shortfalls, the committee also points to risks around hydrogen storage. The production and use of hydrogen will be spiky, soaking up excess renewable output via electrolysis and then later using stored hydrogen to generate electricity when it is not windy.

Demand for hydrogen across the economy in 2035 is shown in the figure below. Some sectors will have relatively consistent demand, whereas the power sector will come in short sharp bursts.

Variation across the year in daily average hydrogen demand for different sectors, 2035. Source: CCC.
Variation across the year in daily average hydrogen demand for different sectors, 2035. Source: CCC.

As a result, the UK will need significant hydrogen storage capacity, the CCC says. This could reach 2.8 terawatt hours (TWh) of storage in salt caverns by 2030 and up to 5.2TWh by 2035. 

It notes that its 2030 estimate “remains in the middle-to-higher end of projections recently published as part of research undertaken for government”.

The report’s central scenario also sees 3,800km of pipeline being required to transport hydrogen around by 2035. The largest deployment would connect the north of England and Scotland with the extensive salt caverns of the Midlands.

Again, the CCC says that all of these considerable challenges will depend on the government’s decision on using hydrogen to heat homes. However, given an outcome on this is not expected until 2026, it states:

“It is not sensible to delay all decisions on hydrogen infrastructure until after decisions on the use of hydrogen for heating.”

Instead, it emphasises that the government “should identify a set of low-regret investments that can proceed now”.

What needs to change to decarbonise UK electricity by 2035?

Building the reliable, decarbonised electricity system of 2035 envisioned by the report will be a major challenge, the CCC says, which will require an “unprecedented” pace of construction.

Solar capacity will need to expand as quickly – every year – as its fastest recorded rate in the UK. Offshore wind will have to be built 40% faster than the record the CCC says it achieved last year. 

Many of the flexible low-carbon solutions that will be essential complements to variable renewables have never been built at scale in the UK. This includes gas CCS and hydrogen turbines.

The CCC says there is an urgent need for a “​​co-ordinated and strategic approach to delivery”. This should include a government strategy for a “decarbonised, resilient, power system by 2035”. The CCC has been calling for such a strategy since 2020.

These concerns echo those of a recent National Audit Office (NAO) report that warned the government “cannot be complacent about the challenges involved in decarbonising further while continuing to ensure a secure supply that meets the predicted electricity demand increases”. 

In all, the committee has set out 25 new recommendations for the government, 17 of which have deadlines this year or are already on-going. They can be seen in the interactive table below.

 

The report calls for “urgent reform” of planning, consenting and connections to the electricity network, all of which it says are vital for deploying infrastructure at the speed needed to meet government targets. While some progress is being made, the committee says these reforms need oversight from a minister-led delivery group.

CCC chief executive Chris Stark told reporters that, in his view, such measures would be more important than the kind of subsidy programmes currently being rolled out in the US:

“I think our best response, actually, is to get the planning regime and the consenting regime and the regulatory regime sorted out. It’s gummed up at the moment. That’s what’s causing us to fail on these targets. And I think that bit of it is actually quite mundane stuff – this is about giving far greater certainty to potential investors about how quickly their investments will turn into a reality.”

As it stands, he said the government was “asleep at the wheel”.

Other measures called for in the new report include “very large investments” in network capacity, creating a network that is prepared for major new sources of power generation out to 2050.

It also mentions the need to formalise the institutional responsibilities of ministers, energy regulator Ofgem and the under-development Future System Operator (FSO). This would give clarity over who is responsible for the planning and delivery of a decarbonised power system.

The CCC has previously convened a high-level expert group on market reform to investigate the best ways to incentivise low-carbon investment. Among other things, it concluded that existing policies were not sufficient to galvanise the £300-430bn of investment required.

The committee calls for the government to produce a strategy on market design, which sets out medium- to long-term changes in a way that avoids disruption and deterring investment.

(The government recently held a consultation on its review of electricity market arrangements, known as REMA. A summary of responses shows the government received a wide range of views. It was, nevertheless, able to rule out a number of the options that had been under consideration. A second consultation will be held later in 2023.)

How can the electricity system withstand extreme weather?

Cutting power-sector emissions to zero is a key enabler of the UK’s net-zero target.

However, the shift to an increasingly electrified economy brings new risks to resilience. In addition, climate hazards will continue to escalate, with significant implications for the UK’s electricity system.

Heatwaves, flooding and droughts are set to become more extreme, potentially damaging electricity infrastructure as power lines overheat and generators are inundated with water.

By 2035, the UK will need a large and varied array of new, low-carbon electricity sources. This will also involve replacing existing assets, the majority of which will reach their end of their lives by 2039, the CCC notes.

With this effort underway, the report emphasises that climate impacts “must be considered in site selection and design, maintenance and life extension” to ensure future resilience.
The CCC’s most recent risk assessment identified climate risks to the power system as a priority area for the government. Since then, events such as Storm Arwen and the 2022 heatwave have provided a taste of what is to come, jeopardising power supplies across the nation.

Damage to overhead cables and a pole after Storm Arwen, November 2021, Settle, North Yorkshire, UK. Credit: John Bentley / Alamy Stock Photo.
Damage to overhead cables and a pole after Storm Arwen, November 2021, Settle, North Yorkshire, UK. Credit: John Bentley / Alamy Stock Photo.

However, broadly speaking, the new report notes that there is no consistent collection of data on power failures triggered by extreme weather. The CCC recommends better reporting and further research into the impact of climate hazards on UK energy systems.

It also warns of the risk of “cascading failures”, triggered by damage to power infrastructure, particularly as the country becomes more reliant on electricity.

“Governments and industry may be significantly underestimating the vulnerability of interconnected systems,” it notes, stating that energy, water and IT infrastructure are often located together.

The CCC describes patchy standards and guidance for energy projects to guard against climate hazards, with some now “unlikely to be sufficient” in the face of ever-more extreme conditions.

For example, some component parts used in the electricity network are built to function up to 40C, a temperature that was exceeded in the south of England last year.

The report, therefore, recommends that the government should develop a pathway to “minimum resilience standards” for the electricity system, with a regular review and revision process.

The committee notes that governance of energy-system resilience is “complex”, with government, public sector agencies and private companies all playing a role. It says the government has yet to define a vision of a “well-adapted, climate-resilient energy system” and adds that this should be a priority in this year’s National Adaptation Programme.

Finally, the CCC highlights the issue of investment. It says that as money is poured into ambitious energy projects with the help of the UK Infrastructure Bank, there is an “opportunity” to ensure they are resilient to climate change – something that has not happened to date.

Original article republished from Carbon Brief under a CC license.

In-depth Q&A: Does the world need hydrogen to solve climate change?

Comment by dizzy: Hydrogen is a method to store energy. It can be created in many ways and how ‘green’ or ‘dirty’ climate-damaging it is depends on how it is produced.

Continue ReadingCCC: Here’s how the UK can get reliable zero-carbon electricity by 2035