Power without exit – America’s strategic trap in the Strait of Hormuz

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The Strait of Hormuz, Between Iran, Oman and the UAE [Flickr: eutrophication&hypoxia]

by Ranjan Solomon

The United States today finds itself ensnared in a war it cannot win, yet cannot leave. What appears, at first glance, as a familiar display of military dominance in West Asia is, in fact, a deeper crisis of strategy, legitimacy, and control. The conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran has exposed a paradox at the heart of American power: the more force it projects, the fewer viable options it retains. Nowhere is this contradiction more sharply visible than in the battle over the Strait of Hormuz—a narrow passage that has become the fulcrum of a widening geopolitical confrontation.

At the core of this crisis lies a strategic bind. The United States cannot credibly exit the conflict without first securing what it can claim as a “victory.” Yet, in this theatre, victory is narrowly defined: ensuring unimpeded passage through the Strait of Hormuz. That objective, however, is precisely what Iran is positioned to deny. Geography, in this case, has become a weapon. Iran does not need to defeat the United States militarily; it merely needs to retain the capacity to disrupt, threaten, or selectively control access to the Strait. In doing so, it transforms a superpower’s overwhelming military advantage into a liability.

This is the cruel logic of asymmetry. For Washington to guarantee maritime security in the Strait, it would have to escalate—potentially by occupying strategic islands at its mouth, intensifying naval deployments, or even targeting Iranian coastal infrastructure. Such moves would not only expand the war but also risk drawing the United States into a deeper and more protracted conflict. Exit, paradoxically, demands escalation. And escalation offers no guarantee of resolution.

This is the cruel logic of asymmetry. For Washington to guarantee maritime security in the Strait, it would have to escalate—potentially by occupying strategic islands at its mouth, intensifying naval deployments, or even targeting Iranian coastal infrastructure.

The strategic importance of the Strait of Hormuz cannot be overstated. A significant portion of the world’s oil supply passes through this narrow corridor. Control over it is not simply about trade; it is about leverage over the global economy. Iran’s proximity to the Strait gives it a natural advantage—one that no amount of distant military power can easily neutralize. Even limited disruption can trigger global economic tremors, placing pressure not only on the United States but on its allies and adversaries alike.

War Beyond the Battlefield: How the Iran Conflict Is Reshaping Global Power and the World Economy

Compounding this dilemma is the collapse of allied consensus. Unlike previous conflicts where the United States rallied a coalition under the banner of collective security or shared values, this war appears strikingly unilateral. Key allies have refrained from offering meaningful support. The reasons are not difficult to discern. This was a war initiated without broad consultation, lacking a clear legal or moral mandate, and unfolding against the backdrop of widespread global disillusionment with Western interventions.

The absence of allies is not merely a logistical setback; it is a profound indicator of declining legitimacy. Military power, in the modern world, is sustained as much by perception as by capability. Without diplomatic backing, even the most formidable force appears isolated. The United States, once the architect of multilateral action, now finds itself acting alone, its calls for support met with hesitation or silence.

This isolation intersects with another structural reality: the conflict is not binary. As James M. Dorsey astutely observes, “it takes three to tango.” The United States is not the sole protagonist. Israel and Iran are independent actors with their own strategic imperatives, neither of which aligns neatly with American objectives.

The absence of allies is not merely a logistical setback; it is a profound indicator of declining legitimacy. Military power, in the modern world, is sustained as much by perception as by capability.

Israel, in particular, has undergone a significant shift in doctrine. Since the events of 2023, its strategy appears to have moved beyond deterrence toward the systematic weakening—if not outright incapacitation—of its regional adversaries. This includes not only Iran but also actors in Lebanon and Syria. The goal is no longer stability through balance, but dominance through disruption. Such a strategy inherently resists de-escalation. For Israel, a prolonged conflict may serve broader regional ambitions.

Iran, for its part, views the confrontation through the lens of survival and resistance. Despite suffering significant losses, it has demonstrated resilience and internal cohesion. Its strategy does not depend on outright victory but on endurance. By sustaining pressure—whether through control of the Strait, targeted strikes, or regional proxies—it ensures that the conflict remains costly and unresolved.

Caught between these two actors, the United States finds itself in a reactive posture. Even a partial withdrawal would not guarantee disengagement. Continued hostilities between Israel and Iran could easily draw Washington back into the conflict, whether through strategic commitments, regional security concerns, or the imperative to maintain credibility.

Adding another layer of complexity is the parallel war being waged in the realm of information. Modern conflicts are no longer confined to battlefields; they unfold equally in the domain of perception. Narratives, legitimacy, and global opinion play decisive roles. In this arena, the United States and Israel face an increasingly uphill battle.

The conduct of the war in Gaza has already inflicted significant damage on Israel’s global standing. Images of devastation, civilian casualties, and humanitarian crises have circulated widely, shaping international opinion in ways that military victories cannot easily counterbalance. In this context, Iran’s information strategy need not be sophisticated; it merely needs to amplify existing doubts and criticisms.

This erosion of narrative control has tangible consequences. It weakens diplomatic support, fuels domestic dissent, and complicates efforts to justify continued engagement. War, in the twenty-first century, is as much about legitimacy as it is about firepower. And legitimacy, once lost, is difficult to reclaim.

The notion that the conflict can be resolved through decisive military action is, therefore, increasingly untenable. Even the targeted elimination of senior Iranian officials or the degradation of military infrastructure does not fundamentally alter the dynamics at play. This is not a war that can be won through attrition alone. It is, as Dorsey suggests, a contest of endurance—a test of which side can “hold its breath” the longest.

Such wars tend to favour those with less to lose and more to prove. For Iran, survival itself constitutes victory. For the United States, anything short of clear dominance risks being perceived as defeat. This asymmetry in expectations further entrenches the strategic bind.

Meanwhile, domestic politics within the United States are beginning to reflect the strain. Segments of the political spectrum that once supported assertive foreign policy are now expressing dissent. Voices such as Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens have questioned the rationale for continued involvement, highlighting fractures within the broader support base. Public opinion, too, appears increasingly wary of another prolonged and costly conflict.

When diplomacy nears the threshold: What two wars in nine months reveal about how the Iran war will end

These internal divisions are not incidental; they are symptomatic of a deeper fatigue. After decades of military engagements in the Middle East, the American public is less inclined to accept the human and economic costs of war, particularly when the objectives remain obscure or shifting. In a midterm election context, such sentiments carry significant political weight, further constraining the administration’s options.

What emerges, then, is a picture of a superpower caught in a narrowing corridor. To escalate is to risk deeper entanglement and unforeseen consequences. To withdraw is to concede strategic ground and undermine credibility. Neither path offers a clear or satisfactory resolution.

The crisis in the Strait of Hormuz is thus emblematic of a broader transformation in global power dynamics. It underscores the limits of unilateral action in an increasingly multipolar world, where regional actors possess both the will and the means to resist external dominance. It reveals the fragility of alliances built on expediency rather than shared purpose. And it highlights the enduring importance of legitimacy as a foundation of effective power.

The notion that the conflict can be resolved through decisive military action is, therefore, increasingly untenable. Even the targeted elimination of senior Iranian officials or the degradation of military infrastructure does not fundamentally alter the dynamics at play.

For the United States, this moment demands a reckoning. The instruments of power—military, economic, and diplomatic—remain formidable. But their efficacy is contingent upon context, perception, and restraint. In the absence of these, power becomes self-defeating, generating the very constraints it seeks to overcome.

The Strait of Hormuz, narrow and contested, has become more than a strategic chokepoint. It is a mirror reflecting the contradictions of contemporary geopolitics. It shows an empire struggling to reconcile its ambitions with its limitations, its capabilities with its credibility.

In the end, the question is not whether the United States can control the Strait, but whether it can redefine what control means in a world where dominance no longer guarantees compliance. Until that question is answered, the path forward will remain fraught—an uneasy passage through turbulent waters, with no clear exit in sight.Top of FormBottom of Form

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[dizzy: Uncertain whether that “Top of FormBottom of Form” belongs. It appears simultaneously quite surreal and almost belonging. I am supposed to copy unaltered according to the licence so it is as it is presented to me. A powerful, well-argued and well-presented article that can be republished under its creative commons licence.)

Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it's fun to kill everyone ...
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it’s fun to kill everyone …
Donald Trump calls for help from NATO allies in securing the Straight of Hormuz despite saying only 9 days ago that they don't need people to join wars after they've already won.
Donald Trump calls for help from NATO allies in securing the Straight of Hormuz despite saying only 9 days ago that they don’t need people to join wars after they’ve already won.
Continue ReadingPower without exit – America’s strategic trap in the Strait of Hormuz

US intelligence undercuts Trump’s main justification for war with Iran

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US Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard. [Photo/AA]

One of US President Donald Trump’s central justifications for his war on Iran has been blown out of the water by his own intelligence community, which has concluded that Tehran is not rebuilding the nuclear enrichment capacity destroyed in last year’s US-Israeli attack.

In written testimony submitted on 18 March, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard said: “As a result of Operation Midnight Hammer, Iran’s nuclear enrichment programme was obliterated. There has been no efforts since then to try to rebuild their enrichment capability.” The assessment undercuts Trump’s repeated claims that Iran posed an “imminent threat” and was close to obtaining a nuclear weapon.

When questioned by senators, however, Gabbard did not repeat that conclusion orally and declined to say whether Iran had posed an imminent nuclear threat, saying that judgment was for the president.

The discrepancy is significant because Trump has invoked the threat of an Iranian nuclear breakout to justify continued military action. Gabbard’s written testimony, by contrast, indicates that US intelligence has not found evidence that Iran is reconstructing the enrichment infrastructure destroyed in the attack.

READ: Trump: Israel attacked Iran’s south pars gas field without US or Qatari involvement

The development came as Joseph Kent resigned as director of the National Counterterrorism Center, citing his opposition to the war. In his resignation letter to Trump, Kent wrote: “I cannot in good conscience support the ongoing war in Iran. Iran posed no imminent threat to our nation, and it is clear that we started this war due to pressure from Israel and its powerful American lobby.”

Kent added that “high-ranking Israeli officials and influential members of the American media deployed a misinformation campaign” that “wholly undermined” Trump’s America First platform and encouraged war with Iran. “This echo chamber was used to deceive you into believing that Iran posed an imminent threat to the United States,” he wrote, adding that claims there was “a clear path to a swift victory” were “a lie”.

In the letter, Kent also said: “As a veteran who deployed to combat 11 times and as a Gold Star husband who lost my beloved wife Shannon in a war manufactured by Israel, I cannot support sending the next generation off to fight and die in a war that serves no benefit to the American people nor justifies the cost of American lives.”

Kent’s resignation places fresh pressure on the administration’s account of the war, coming days after Gabbard’s testimony indicated that Iran was not rebuilding its nuclear enrichment capability. Together, the two developments are likely to intensify scrutiny of Trump’s claim that military action was necessary to confront an imminent threat.

OPINION: Trump and Hegseth cannot define the truth of the US-Israeli War on Iran

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Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it's fun to kill everyone ...
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it’s fun to kill everyone …
Donald Trump calls for help from NATO allies in securing the Straight of Hormuz despite saying only 9 days ago that they don't need people to join wars after they've already won.
Donald Trump calls for help from NATO allies in securing the Straight of Hormuz despite saying only 9 days ago that they don’t need people to join wars after they’ve already won.
Continue ReadingUS intelligence undercuts Trump’s main justification for war with Iran

Majority of US voters oppose Iran war, say it benefits Israel more: Poll

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People take part in a protest and march gathering at Times Square on Al-Quds Day, to oppose the joint U.S.–Israel war on Iran in New York City, United States on March 13, 2026. [Mostafa Bassim – Anadolu Agency]

A poll released Thursday found that a majority of American voters oppose the US-Israeli war against Iran and believe it benefits Israel more than the US, Anadolu reports.

The survey, conducted by Data for Progress for the IMEU (Institute for Middle East Understanding) Policy Project and Demand Progress, shows 56% of voters said the war benefits Israel more, compared to 29% who believe it benefits the US.

Overall, 53% of respondents disapproved of US strikes on Iran, while 43% approve.

The poll surveyed 1,215 likely voters, with 51% supporting Congress passing a war powers resolution to rein in President Donald Trump’s military actions against Iran, while 44% opposed the measure.

Some 43% of voters said they are less likely to support Republicans due to the war, compared to 31% who said they are more likely.

It also found a generational divide among Republicans, with 68% of those younger than the age of 45 preferring a candidate who would reduce support for Israel, while 56% of those older than 45 favor a candidate who prioritizes support for Israel.

READ: Trump suggests ‘finishing off what’s left’ of Iran

In hypothetical matchups, Democratic candidates who favor reducing support for Israel to prioritize domestic issues perform significantly better than those maintaining traditional positions.

Additionally, 43% of voters said Israel has too much influence on US foreign policy, compared to 41% who said the level of influence is appropriate.

The US and Israel launched attacks against Iran on Feb. 28, killing more than 1,300 people, including then-Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, senior officials and over 160 children at a girls’ elementary school, according to Iranian authorities.

Iran has retaliated with drone and missile strikes targeting Israel, along with Jordan, Iraq and Gulf countries, saying the attacks are targeting “US assets” in the region. Thirteen US service members have been killed in the war, according to US Central Command.

The escalation has disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, pushed global oil and gas prices sharply higher, and raised fears of a wider regional war with major economic consequences.

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Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it's fun to kill everyone ...
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it’s fun to kill everyone …
Donald Trump calls for help from NATO allies in securing the Straight of Hormuz despite saying only 9 days ago that they don't need people to join wars after they've already won.
Donald Trump calls for help from NATO allies in securing the Straight of Hormuz despite saying only 9 days ago that they don’t need people to join wars after they’ve already won.
Continue ReadingMajority of US voters oppose Iran war, say it benefits Israel more: Poll

This Awful Iran War Belongs to Trump—and It’s Going Horribly

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Original article by Steven Harper republished from Common Dreams under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). 

US President Donald Trump speaks during a bilateral meeting with the Taoiseach of Ireland Micheál Martin in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC on March 17, 2026. (Photo by Jim Watson / AFP via Getty Images)

The absence of any US strategy becomes clearer by the day. Trump has thrown everything at the wall in the hope that something will stick. So far, nothing has.

President Donald Trump is a victim of his own success. After a quick strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities last June and the capture of Venezuela’s president and First Lady in January, the US military, the illegality of those operations notwithstanding, made war look easy and Trump feel omnipotent.

Three weeks into a more daunting excursion into Iran, Trump is now a desperate leader.

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Trump’s Latest Grudge Match

With Trump, everything is personal. A growing body of evidence suggests that a principal objective in attacking Iran was the assassination of the country’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. For example:

  • When the CIA learned that the Ayatollah and top Iranian officials would be meeting in a militarily accessible location, a previously planned nighttime strike was moved up to the middle of the day.
  • On Sunday night, March 1, shortly after reports that the US-Israeli attack had killed the Ayatollah, Trump said, “I got him before he got me.” He was referring to an alleged plot to kill Trump during the 2024 presidential campaign as retribution for the January 2020 US strike that killed Iran’s military leader Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps,
  • The desire to downplay Trump’s desire for vengeance explains why he and his minions have offered more noble—and contradictory—justifications for the war, including:
  • To help the Iranian people secure their freedom (Trump);
  • To attack Iran because Israel was going to do it and that would result in Iran’s attack on US assets in the Middle East (Secretary of State Marco Rubio);
  • To attack Iran first, not because Israel was going to do it anyway, but because Trump had a gut feeling that Iran was going to attack the US (Trump). But Pentagon officials informed Congress that no intelligence supported Trump’s opinion;
  • To eliminate Iran’s nuclear capability (although Trump claimed to have done that with the June attack).

Mission Accomplished?

Whatever his motivations, deploying the might of the military force was the beginning and the end of Trump’s thinking. He and his advisors are now flailing in the aftermath.

Iran has divided its global adversaries by holding the world’s economy hostage. Closing the Strait of Hormuz to the US and its allies sent world markets reeling as the price of oil increased by 40 percent and the price of gasoline in the US rose by almost $1.00 per gallon. Trump is trying to sell the line that such costs in the short run will pay off in the long run, but few are buying it.

Trump’s Desperate Ploys

The absence of any US strategy becomes clearer by the day. Trump has thrown everything at the wall in the hope that something will stick. So far, nothing has.

  • He floated a $200 million insurance guarantee for ships traveling through the Strait of Hormuz – but not everyone lives in Trump’s world in which everything has a price.
  • He suggested using US military escorts for the tankers but offered no timeline; the risks to US military personnel and equipment would be enormous.
  • He tried shaming oil tanker crews to “show some guts” and continue sailing through the Strait – even as tankers burst into flames when trying to do so. Maybe Trump should go first.
  • He pleaded with world leaders to join his “team” to reopen the Strait for shipping, saying, “Some are very enthusiastic about it, and some aren’t. Some are countries that we’ve helped for many, many years. We’ve protected them from horrible outside sources, and they weren’t that enthusiastic. And the level of enthusiasm matters to me.”
  • He ridiculed allies refusing his requests to join a war that he started without consulting them: “We have some countries where we have 45,000 soldiers, great soldiers, protecting them from harm’s way, and we have done a great job. And when we want to know, ‘Do you have any mine sweepers?’ ‘Well, would rather not get involved, sir.’”
  • He made threats that are not-so-veiled: “If there’s no response or if it’s a negative response I think it will be very bad for the future of NATO.”

Attacking the Messenger

In a futile effort at damage control, Trump accused media outlets of dispensing “fake news” about the growing Iran debacle. They “should be brought up on charges of TREASON,” he posted. In the same tirade, he said that he was “thrilled to see Brendan Carr, the Chairman of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), looking at the licenses of some of these Corrupt and Highly Unpatriotic ‘News’ Organizations.”

Hearing and heeding his master’s voice, Carr shared another Trump post criticizing news coverage of the Iran war and issued this hollow threat: “Broadcasters that are running hoaxes and news distortions – also known as the fake news – have a chance now to correct course before their license renewals come up… Broadcasters must operate in the public interest, and they will lose their licenses if they do not.”

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s lengthy criticism of Iran war coverage included a special message for CNN: “The sooner David Ellison [the son of billionaire Trump supporter Larry Ellison] takes over that network, the better.”

This much is certain: Trump will never take responsibility for any failure of his policies, including the Iran war. When his deportation operation became a scandal and one of his worst political liabilities, Kristi Noem became a casualty. If Trump’s Iran war continues to go badly, he’ll need another scapegoat. Hegseth has been living on borrowed time since the Signalgate scandal. He should have been fired long ago.

But make no mistake. Hegseth is just Trump’s useful idiot. This is and always has been Trump’s war. It began as his personal war of retribution, ignored predictable consequences for the world, and never had an endgame strategy.

And now it has gone terribly wrong.

Original article by Steven Harper republished from Common Dreams under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). 

Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Climate science denier Donald Trump confirms that he knows nothing about democracy and that more liquid gold is being secured according to his policy of global privateering.
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it's fun to kill everyone ...
Donald Trump sings and dances, says that it’s fun to kill everyone …
Orcas discuss rotting brain. Front Orca says "Wish someone would lock him up".
Orcas discuss rotting brain. Front Orca says “Wish someone would lock him up”.

Continue ReadingThis Awful Iran War Belongs to Trump—and It’s Going Horribly