Reform UK leader Nigel Farage arrives at the Reform UK South East conference, at Sandown Park Racecourse in Esher, Surrey, January 10, 2025
LABOUR slammed Reform UK today amid a deluge of damning evidence against the right-wing party’s mayoral candidate Chris Parry, who said David Lammy should “go home to the Caribbean.”
Nigel Farage’s party has faced calls to drop the retired Royal Navy officer as mayoral candidate for Hampshire and the Solent after it emerged he had posted on X in February: “Lammy must go home to the Caribbean where (his) loyalty lies.”
In a press conference on Tuesday, Reform deputy leader Richard Tice claimed that he was “not familiar” with Mr Parry’s remarks against the Deputy Prime Minister and Justice Secretary, but added, “whether we think he’s doing a good job or a bad job is just part of politics.”
Reform UK continued to refuse to condemn Mr Parry yesterday amid new reports that he suggested at least eight other politicians from minority ethnic backgrounds do not have a primary loyalty towards Britain.
Argentina President Javier Milei. Photo: Javier Milei / X
In this article, we review some of the general trends and attitudes of Milei’s government two years into his term.
Thousands of Argentines endured high temperatures as they took to the streets on December 18 to protest the labor reform of Javier Milei’s far-right government. The call to action by the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) was supported by several trade unions, which claimed that the measure seeks to destroy workers’ rights to benefit big business: “This reform will only deepen poverty, social exclusion, and job insecurity. We will not give up our fight for decent work,” the CGT said in a statement.
The government has justified the measure by citing an alleged need to modernize labor relations: “The text also incorporates specific incentives for the formalization of employment, new rules for the platform economy, more efficient employer contribution schemes, and mechanisms that reduce litigation, providing the system with greater predictability and long-term stability.”
However, organized workers claim that this is a labor flexibility project that aligns with President Milei’s neoliberal agenda. Cristian Jerónimo, leader of the CTE, said: “[The labor reform] does nothing to benefit the world of work; it is written in favor of Argentina’s large corporations and does not favor small and medium-sized enterprises.”
But for the protesters, this reform comes as no surprise. Long before becoming president, Milei announced that it was imperative to reform the entire structure of the Argentine state in order to put it on the “path to freedom,” which means neoliberalizing the economy, reducing state participation in the economy to a minimum, strengthening the apparatus of repression, and aligning the South American country geopolitically with Washington’s interests. In short, to return to the path of the Washington Consensus.
After the day of mass mobilization, the government announced that the debate on the reform would be postponed until February, an initial sign that Milei is feeling the pressure of the popular demonstrations. Yet, after two years in office, Milei has done everything possible to push forward his neoliberal agenda even amid many rounds of mass demonstrations. A series of laws, executive decrees, and international diplomatic engagements have been the clearest signs of the path taken by the right-wing libertarian leader who governs a country that, despite his promises, is once again returning to the path of economic crisis and political instability.
Economy: fiscal adjustment and social tension
In line with neoliberal orthodoxy, Milei has implemented a series of fiscal adjustments to eliminate the deficit, even though this has been at the expense of the material stability of the most disadvantaged sectors, who have taken to the streets to protest against cuts in health, education, and other areas that the Argentine state now refuses to cover in full or adjust in line with the current economic reality. Students, teachers, researchers, and university workers have also taken to the streets consistently, demanding improvements in higher education funding, funding for science and health research, and defending free and public education.
Repression of mass protests, ordered by Security Minister Patricia Bullrich, has been severe. Hundreds have been arrested and injured, including Pablo Grillo, a journalist who was nearly killed when a tear gas canister struck him in the head.
Nevertheless, Milei did not slow down. The elimination of subsidies, wage freezes, and widespread privatization of public companies generated the long-awaited fiscal surplus in more than a decade. Year-on-year inflation, which stood at around 211% at the end of 2023, was reduced to 3% at some point in 2025.
Despite this, several analysts have stated that the 2.3% increase in inflation in October 2025 reflects the shortcomings of a neoliberal model in sustaining a long-term surplus.
Furthermore, it is important to remember that this year, Donald Trump’s administration bailed out Argentina with a record payment of more than USD 20 billion, in addition to the IMF’s generous granting of USD 20 billion to Argentina.
In other words, the surplus that the executive branch promotes as its great economic success has been achieved thanks to enormous support from its international allies, who demand neoliberal macroeconomic change not only in Argentina but throughout the region. This, of course, comes at a price that Argentines will have to pay for decades to come. Argentina has the largest IMF debt in the world. Its debt of more than USD 64 billion is “the price of freedom.”
Politics: reduction of the state and open confrontation
Following his economic model, Milei’s government has pushed radical downsizing. More than 10 ministries and 200 government departments were eliminated in one fell swoop. This meant the dismissal of almost 50,000 people who suddenly found themselves thrown into unemployment and precarity.
These decisions were made abruptly and aggressively, political attitudes that the president has adopted as part of his communication strategy. Bypassing parliamentary approval whenever possible, Milei always sought to govern unilaterally whenever possible.
But Milei has also achieved significant legislative victories. At the beginning of his administration, he had the support of only 39 deputies and six senators; however, he managed to pass several laws, such as the Bases Law (which allowed for the radical privatization of the Argentine state) and tax reforms.
He achieved this thanks to the support of the PRO, a right-wing party led by former president Mauricio Macri, and certain dissident Peronists. The formation of the so-called “May Pact,” a major agreement between Argentina’s right-wing parties and governors, allowed him to negotiate and agree on several reforms desired by right-wing libertarianism.
This pact prevented an increase in pensions for the elderly, who have regularly protested to demand more money to buy medicine and food, which are now major obstacles in their lives. Despite this, the Pact has not budged and continues with its neoliberal drift.
Political and judicial scandals
Milei’s administration has also been marked by several scandals. Very early on, he began a dispute with Victoria Villarruel, his vice president, whom he accused of playing into the hands of his political enemies.
He was also involved in the “$LIBRA” scandal, in which he is accused of being part of an international fraud scheme related to the sale of cryptocurrencies. A parliamentary commission concluded that Milei did use his position as president to promote the scam, which caused millions in losses to investors around the world.
But the event that probably had the greatest impact on Milei’s popularity involved his sister. Karina Milei, who serves as Secretary to the President, is accused of participating in a bribery ring that operated through the National Disability Agency (ANDIS). Many saw the emergence of this scandal as the reason for his resounding defeat in the Buenos Aires Province elections on October 26.
Despite this, Milei managed to recover and his party, La Libertad Avanza (LLA), won the next legislative elections and increased its number of seats in the legislature. His strategy was the usual one: accusing Peronism of destroying Argentina and presenting himself as the only one capable of saving the country. However, this messianic communication strategy has begun to be questioned precisely because of the corruption and fraud scandals that have plagued his government.
Alignment with Washington
Milei has made a significant shift in the country’s foreign policy. Argentina’s vote against the UN resolution condemning the US economic and trade blockade of Cuba reflects an important change. Historically, Argentina has maintained a diplomatic position against any act of imperialism due to its claim over the Malvinas Islands, which, despite being off its coast, are governed by the United Kingdom. The dispute has escalated to military levels despite repeated claims by the Argentine authorities.
Donald Trump-signed photo of him and Javier Milei. Photo: Javier Milei / X
But the change is much more than nominal. Argentina has become the Trump administration’s greatest ally in South America. Milei has praised Trump’s personality, and Trump has publicly supported him, like when, in the last legislative elections, he suggested an end to cooperation between Buenos Aires and Washington if Milei lost. In response, the Argentine president has repeatedly declared his loyalty to Trump’s geopolitical project and has supported all of his initiatives both within and outside the region.
In this way, Milei has become a sort of archetype for the leaders of the new Latin American right. With radical fiscal adjustment at the expense of the most impoverished sectors, open confrontation with their opponents, and an international policy fully aligned with Washington (which has initiated a new chapter of the Monroe Doctrine), far-right governments are beginning to gain ground in the region: Kast in Chile, Paz in Bolivia, etc., are examples of an ideological and geopolitical shift in the region that is impossible to understand without the figure of Javier Milei.
A US military helicopter flies over the oil tanker Centuries in the southern Caribbean Sea on December 20, 2025. (Photo by US Department of Homeland Security)
The Venezuelan government condemned the seizure as “a serious act of international piracy;” meanwhile, a US official said the Coast Guard was pursuing a third tanker in the Caribbean.
The Trump administration’s “total and complete blockade” of “all sanctioned oil tankers” off the Venezuelan coast was already denounced by critics as “an act of war”—and the United States further escalated its aggression on Saturday by seizing a tanker that is not on a list vessels under US sanctions.
US Coast Guard troops led Saturday’s seizure of the Centuries, a Panamanian-flagged, Chinese-owned oil tanker in the Caribbean Sea, after it left Venezuela.
“The United States will continue to pursue the illicit movement of sanctioned oil that is used to fund narco-terrorism in the region,” US Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said on X. “We will find you, and we will stop you.”
On Sunday, an unnamed US official toldReuters that the Coast Guard “is in active pursuit” of a third tanker near Venezuela, “a sanctioned dark fleet vessel” that “is flying a false flag and under a judicial seizure order.”
The Venezuelan government condemned Saturday’s seizure as “a serious act of international piracy.”
Venezuela “denounces and rejects the theft and hijacking of a new private vessel transporting oil, as well as the forced disappearance of its crew, committed by military personnel of the United States of America in international waters,” Venezuelan Vice President Delcy Rodríguez said in a statement.
“These acts will not go unpunished,” she vowed, adding that Venezuela will pursue “all corresponding actions, including filing a complaint before the United Nations Security Council, other multilateral organizations, and the governments of the world.”
Earlier this week, President Donald Trumpdeclared a blockade of all oil tankers under US sanctions that are traveling to or from Venezuela.
Saturday’s action followed the US seizure of the Panamanian-flagged Skipper—which is under sanctions—off the Venezuelan coast on December 10.
The Centuries seizure also comes amid the Trump administration’s bombing of at least 28 boats allegedly transporting drugs in the Caribbean Sea and Pacific Ocean, attacks that have killed more than 100 people and have been condemned as acts of extrajudicial murder.
In addition to the blockade and boat strikes, Trump has deployed an armada of warships and thousands of troops to the southern Caribbean, authorized covert CIA action against the socialist government of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, and has threatened to invade the South American nation. This latest wave of aggression continues more than a century of US meddling in Venezuela’s affairs and sovereignty.
Numerous world leaders have denounced the US aggression toward Venezuela. On Saturday, leftist Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula de Silva said during a summit of the South American Mercosur bloc in Foz do Iguaçu, Brazil that an “armed intervention in Venezuela would be a humanitarian catastrophe.”
In the United States, multiple efforts by members of Congress—mostly Democrats, but also a handful of anti-war Republicans—to pass a war powers resolution blocking the Trump administration from bombing boats or attacking Venezuela have failed.
Echoing assertions by Venezuelan officials and others, one of those Republicans, Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, said earlier this week that Trump’s aggressive escalation “is all about oil and regime change.”
Some critics have called Trump’s actions a renewal of the “gunboat diplomacy” practiced by the US in the 19th and 20th centuries. The US has conducted scores of military interventions in Latin America, including dozens of regime change operations.
Donald Fuhrump says that Amerikkka doesn’t bother with crimes or charges anymore, not being 100% Amerikkkan and opposing his real estate intentions is enough.Orcas discuss how Trump was re-elected and him being an obviously insane, xenophobic Fascist.
US President Donald Trump says Venezuela must return ownership rights of its oil to US companies
WASHINGTON’S seizure of a second ship carrying Venezuelan oil continues its brazen piracy on the high seas.
It’s a further escalation in US aggression against Venezuela designed to bring about regime change.
Donald Trump’s crimes are dramatic, his motives expressed unusually openly. His secretary for war — and the revival of this title instead of defence secretary speaks for itself — boasts about prioritising “maximum lethality, not tepid legality.” The administration is hardly making the effort to pretend its actions are legal.
That doesn’t mean it isn’t lying. It lies constantly, and the official rationale for its Venezuela blockade is a lie — there is no evidence the boats it bombs were smuggling drugs, nor that the Venezuelan oil industry has any connection to the drug trade, nor even of the existence of the so-called Cartel de los Soles that it alleges Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro heads.
But just as when, during his first term, Trump embarrassed his Nato allies by admitting Western militaries were in Syria “only for the oil,” the president’s online rants show the same is true for Venezuela.
Donald Fuhrump says that Amerikkka doesn’t bother with crimes or charges anymore, not being 100% Amerikkkan and opposing his real estate intentions is enough.Orcas discuss how Trump was re-elected and him being an obviously insane, xenophobic Fascist.
Rather, recent governments have combined significant relaxation of the rules with systematic underfunding of supervising agencies: the Health & Safety Executive has lost 45 per cent of its budget since 2010, the Environment Agency 50 per cent.
The result is corporate impunity. Companies that break the rules — whether on safety, workers’ rights, pollution or anything else — are unlikely to be caught.
When they are — and the privatised water sector is one of the few where fines have risen in 2024-25 — the nature of corporate investment incentivises continued rule-breaking. This year we’ve seen international creditors threaten to collapse Thames Water if their money is used to pay fines it received for breaking the law.
Good Jobs First has exposed how prevalent non-enforcement of the rules is across the entire economy.
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Unrestricted corporate profiteering is making Britain an ever dirtier, more dangerous and more expensive place to live.
Significant expansion of public ownership and investment in regulatory agencies to give them the means to punish bad actors is the only solution: it requires a radical change of direction from the next PM.
A general view of the Houses of Parliament in London
Report shows enforcement hits new lows under Labour
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The data showed a steep drop in regulatory penalties for abusive employers in workplace safety, consumer protection, as well as financial and environmental offences.
This steep decline follows a government request earlier this year, asking regulators to ease actions against businesses in the hopes of stimulating economic growth.
PM Sir Keir Starmer’s government sent out letters to 17 regulators telling them to relax rules for companies across several key sectors.
In response, environmental agency enforcement continued its decades-long decline in 2025, while the Financial Conduct Authority saw a drop of nearly £600 million in penalties compared with 2024.
The report also showed that successful outcomes at employment tribunals went down this year, while the number of cases waiting to be heard have increased dramatically, with many being scheduled for 2027 or 2028.
Levels of enforcement from the Health and Safety Executive (HSE) also dropped, the think tank found.
Reacting to the report, Green MP Sian Berry told the Star: “This report lays bare a catastrophic weakening of the rules that protect people and the planet.
“When environmental enforcement collapses, polluters get a green light to poison our rivers, trash our air and destroy habitats with impunity.
“The decades-long decline in Environment Agency enforcement, alongside falling financial penalties, is not an accident; it is the result of political choices.
“This is a clear failure of the Labour government to stand up to corporate power.