Then prime minister David Cameron (left) welcomes then newly-elected Newark MP Robert Jenrick to the Houses of Parliament in London, June 11, 2014
SOLOMON HUGHES finds one-time Cameron-centrist EU fans now promote vicious anti-migrant rhetoric in their bid to get attention for their ailing party
Robert Jenrick’s complaints about “not seeing another white face” in Birmingham’s Handsworth show the Tories will push racism to try to grab votes.
Jenrick’s hard right turn is creepy because this formerly “Liberal” Tory, who was so blandly Cameron-centrist-pro-EU that he was called “Robert Generic,” now uses the language of the National Front.
At Tory conference anti-migrant, anti-asylum-seeker, prejudiced and racist language was ubiquitous: Mirroring Jenrick’s manoeuvre, it spread to supposedly “liberal” Tories.
I went to a conference meeting of Tory group Bright Blue. Founded when David Cameron was leader, Bright Blue see themselves as a socially conscious liberal Tory group.
Their slogan is “Our work is about defending and improving liberal society.” Their “advisory board” has Labour figures — former ministers Margaret Hodge and John Denham and former Blair adviser John McTernan — alongside a dozen leading Tories.
This supposed liberalism evaporated over migration. They had a debate on “How Conservatism can be popular and effective again.”
Shadow home secretary Chris Philp was on the panel. Philp is pushing his anti-migrant message hard: he attacks asylum-seekers as criminals. He also attacks the much greater numbers of “legal” migrants, claiming “mass migration has certainly damaged social cohesion.”
But what Philp said for the “Bright Blue” crowd was instructive: Bright Blue wrote a list of 10 Tory objectives. Philp said this wouldn’t work, because “it is hard to get attention” for the Tories, so any list had to be reduced to two: immigration and the economy. Philp was making clear the Tories are going hard on immigration mostly to get “attention.”
Philp was joined on the panel by Jesse Norman MP, a “Bright Blue” favourite, seen as a Tory liberal. In 2022 Jesse Norman wrote a “no-confidence” letter to then PM Boris Johnson, complaining “the Rwanda policy is ugly, likely to be counterproductive and of doubtful legality.”
So did Norman object to Philp and the Tories’ plan to reinstate their policy of deporting all asylum-seekers to Rwanda, or his “ugly“ language?
No. Norman argued pushing against “immigration” was essential, saying “it’s almost a threshold condition for seriousness” for would-be Tory voters.
This is the current Tory position, across the board, from former “liberals” like Jenrick to supposedly current “liberals” like Norman — they want to hammer the anti-immigrant button, because they can’t see any other way to beat Reform.
The Tory conference was quite direct about this manoeuvre: the conference slogan was “Stronger Economy. Stronger Borders.”
They want to have a “stronger economy” — which for the Tories means more privatisation, deregulation and lower taxes, and will use their “stronger borders” message — meaning their newly supercharged anti-migrant and racist prejudices — to get it.
Those cynically adopting this hard anti-migrant persona are more sinister in some ways than lifelong bigots. They are willing to play with prejudice without principle.
If the Conservatives end up in coalition with Farage — a distinct possibility — we can’t expect the Tories to blunt Reform’s prejudices in government. Quite the opposite, they might lean into them more, and deliver them with more efficiency.
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With only a few weeks until Germany’s election, Elon Musk has unambiguously thrown his support behind the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party. In a video address to a party rally last week, he appeared to urge Germans to “move on” from any “past guilt” related to the Holocaust.
It’s good to be proud of German culture, German values, and not to lose that in some sort of multiculturalism that dilutes everything.
Troublingly, the AfD is now firmly entrenched as Germany’s second-most popular political party, behind the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Like all parties in German elections, however, it cannot win an outright majority. It is also unlikely to be invited to join any ruling coalition that emerges from the February 23 election.
But the AfD’s anti-migrant, anti-government sloganeering has already seriously distorted Germany’s public debate and democratic culture, leaving many to ask whether it even needs to win elections to see its policies implemented.
This was evident following a dramatic week in Germany’s Bundestag.
First, in a radical break with Germany’s political norms, opposition leader Friedrich Merz deliberately drew on the votes of the AfD on Wednesday to ram a radical anti-asylum seeker motion through the parliament.
It was the first time in the history of the Bundestag that a parliamentary majority was reached with the help of the far right. Merz’s action was widely condemned as a “taboo-breaking” step towards legitimising the AfD.
The so-called ‘firewall’ was broken this week between mainstream German political parties and the far right. Clemens Bilan/EPA
Merz tried to take this a step further with a far-reaching bill to tighten immigration controls on Friday. Although the bill narrowly failed, all of the AfD voted with Merz. Twelve members of his own CDU party refused to back him.
Merz’s courting of the far right is widely seen as politically unnecessary, given his conservative CDU is already leading the national polls, making him the favourite to succeed the Social Democratic Party (SDP)‘s Olaf Scholz as chancellor.
This raises a couple crucial questions heading into the election. Is it insiders or outsiders that are playing the biggest role in bringing the far right into the mainstream? And just how big a role will the AfD play after the election?
The Musk effect
Musk’s embrace of the AfD should come as no surprise, given the integral part he played in Donald Trump’s election victory in the United States. In the German context, however, his behaviour and statements have taken on darker hues.
Germans know only too well what is at stake when democracy is eroded by those who abuse its freedoms to attack it. Had Musk’s now notorious Nazi salutes following Trump’s inauguration been performed in Berlin, for example, he might have faced up to three years in prison.
The catchphrase “never again” has underpinned German politics since the second world war. Yet, the response to Musk’s recent provocations was oddly muted in some sections of the German media.
With a few notable exceptions, it was left to activists to remind Germans of the severity of this gesture – projecting an image of Musk’s salute on a German Tesla plant, alongside the word “heil”.
Given the seriousness with which Germany patrols representations of its Nazi past, it was surprising just how few journalists were prepared to state without equivocation that “a Hitler salute is a Hitler salute is a Hitler salute”.
Merz’s embrace of the far right
Initially, there were some signs Germany’s main political leaders would decry Musk’s attempts to normalise far-right politics in the country.
Scholz has continued to label Musk’s blatant attempts to influence German politics as “unacceptable” and “disgusting”.
Merz claims to be keeping his distance from Musk. But it appears his strategy for winning the election is not far from what Musk is suggesting – mimicking AfD policies and collaborating with the party on anti-immigration votes.
In his most radical break with the centrism that characterised the CDU under former Chancellor Angela Merkel, Merz cracked the “firewall” against working with the far-right this week. Knowing just what it meant, he used the AfD’s support to pass the starkly worded nationalist border protection motion in the Bundestag.
Democratic party leaders, meanwhile, registered their shock and dismay. Merkel herself spoke out against Merz, saying it was “wrong” to “knowingly” work with the AfD.
Her intervention appears to have been critical to the immigration bill failing on Friday, with many of her former supporters in the CDU withholding their votes.
A defaced election poster for the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) showing leader Friedrich Merz smeared with a Hitler moustache. Martin Meissner/AP
What AfD’s rise could mean
Given the two votes in the past week and Musk’s high-profile intervention, many in Germany now fear a CDU victory in the election could signal more collaboration with the AfD.
The Greens’ Robert Habeck, Germany’s vice chancellor, has said Merz’s nationalist coalition would “destroy Europe”. He has also warned Musk to keep his “hands off our democracy”, prompting Musk to label Habeck “a traitor to the German people”.
People attend the election campaign launch of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party on Jan. 25. Hannibal Hanschke/EPA
Musk is by no means the cause of the AfD’s popularity, but his embrace of the extremist party has given it a global profile and credibility in circles that might not have otherwise considered supporting it.
As some commentators have suggested, it is probably not coincidental the AfD’s plans for the German economy would benefit Musk’s business interests. Economic self-interest alone seems insufficient, however, to explain why Musk has gravitated to the extreme right.
The same might be said of Merz. Electoral calculations alone cannot explain his risky courting of the far right. He has long been the frontrunner to win the next election. Cosying up to the AfD will only make it harder to form a coalition with either Scholz’s Social Democratic Party or the Greens.
If these two parties refuse to deal with Merz, the only other bloc large enough to deliver his party control of the government would be the AfD. Would he go so far?
Whether it is formally part of the next government or not, the AfD and its camp followers (such as Musk) could be set to have a much bigger influence on German politics. How this will change Germany in the long term remains to be seen.