Labour-linked consultancy saw record UK growth after boss left to work in No 10

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Original article by Ethan Shone republished form OpenDemocracy

Keir Starmer speaks during a press conference – WPA Pool/Getty Images

Plus, the firm’s former boss Varun Chandra is entitled to six-figure payout, despite working for Starmer

A secretive corporate intelligence firm with close ties to the government saw its UK revenues surge by 30% in the first financial year after its managing partner left to become Keir Starmer’s most senior business adviser, openDemocracy can reveal.

Varun Chandra left Hakluyt & Company, a Mayfair-based firm that provides strategic advice to some of the world’s largest corporations on navigating governments and geopolitical risk, to join Starmer’s government in July 2024.

In January the following year, Hakluyt lost another senior staff member to the government: embattled former civil servant Olly Robbins quit as the firm’s lead on Europe, the Middle East and Africa to join the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office.

Despite these top personnel losses, Hakluyt’s UK business grew by 30% in the year to July 2025, according to our analysis of its financial records. This is its second-highest rate of annual growth in the UK in the six years since it started publishing regional breakdowns of its turnover. 

The financial records also reveal that Chandra’s multimillion-pound stake in Hakluyt entitled him to a payout of around £112,000 last year, while he was serving at the heart of Downing Street. In 2024, it was reported that Chandra would get rid of his shareholdings in the company in order to join the government. 

openDemocracy understands that Chandra’s shareholding is now around half its original size, in line with an agreement that will see the firm gradually buy back his shares at their July 2024 value. 

While his stake is still being reduced, Chandra is eligible for annual payouts. Both Number 10 and Hakluyt both declined to comment on whether he accepted the money.

Our findings led Green Party leader Zack Polanski to call for an investigation into Labour’s relationship with Hakluyt & Company.

“This is yet another revelation raising serious questions about Labour’s cosy relationship with big business,” Polanski said. “Bringing a senior figure from an elite corporate intelligence firm into the heart of government is deeply concerning.

“When companies built on privileged access to political and regulatory insight appear to benefit from close ties to those in office, it undermines public trust.

“The public deserve proper answers. Labour’s relationship with Hakluyt, before and after the election, should be investigated. The revolving door between big business and Westminster is still spinning – and it’s a system a Green government would work to dismantle.”

Growing links to government 

Hakluyt & Company is an elite corporate intelligence and strategic advisory firm founded by outgoing MI6 operatives in the mid-1990s, which serves some of the biggest companies in the world across most sectors, and works with major private equity firms and sovereign wealth funds. 

The firm has developed an unrivalled network of thousands of contacts, having hired from the top ranks of government, intelligence services, banking and industry over the past three decades. It uses this vast network to produce reports for its clients, often on highly sensitive issues involving political and regulatory matters.

But rarely has the company had such a close connection to a sitting government as it enjoys under Starmer’s Labour.

Hakluyt reportedly worked unpaid with the party when it was in opposition before the 2024 election, helping its leadership to connect with the corporate elite, particularly in finance and tech. 

A Harvard Business School case study written about Hakluyt, based on extensive internal access through 2023 – and whose author took up a paid role with the firm after its publication – noted Chandra’s close relationship to Labour’s leadership, and that colleagues widely expected him to pursue a career in government. 

After Labour’s win, Chandra, the company’s managing director, was appointed Starmer’s top business adviser, and his influence has only grown since. He was recently appointed US trade envoy and has been involved with US trade talks, despite having worked for several years in Hakluyt’s US offices, where his clients likely included American big tech and finance firms. 

Last year, Oliver Robbins also left Hakluyt to rejoin the civil service after a six-year hiatus, taking up the most senior civil service position in the Foreign Office in January 2025. Months earlier, it had been reported that Robbins had also applied to become cabinet secretary, the most senior civil service role in government. 

Before joining Hakluyt in 2023, Robbins had worked at Goldman Sachs and, before that, was the government’s deputy national security adviser and Europe adviser. He maintained contact with senior government officials while at Hakluyt, meeting with the top civil servant at the Department of Business and Trade, Gareth Davies, on several occasions, as well as current cabinet secretary Antonia Romeo and officials from the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, according to government transparency releases.

As Hakluyt’s connections to the government have grown, so has its business in the UK. 

Accounts published this month show the firm turned over almost £150m last financial year, of which more than £60m was attributed to its UK operation. This was up from just over £130m turnover in 2024, with around £46m of that from the UK. 

The company’s overall profits also increased, from £20m to £24m, though the firm does not publish a regionalised breakdown of its profits. 

The last financial year is the only year in the past six where Hakluyt’s growth in the UK and Europe has significantly outpaced that in the US, and the only year in which it has significantly grown as a share of overall revenue.  

Asked whether the firm has sought or received information from either Chandra or Robbins since they left the business, Hakluyt declined to comment. Downing Street sources pushed back against any suggestion that Chandra had shared information with the firm since leaving. openDemocracy reached out to Robbins for comment but had not heard back at the time of publishing.

A Downing Street spokesperson said: “The Cabinet Office has a thorough process on declarations of interest for special advisers to ensure any conflicts of interest are properly managed and mitigated, including through recusals where appropriate.

“While we do not usually comment on individuals, Varun Chandra resigned from his position at Hakluyt and has made all relevant declarations as part of this process.”

‘Weak lobbying rules’

As Hakluyt is not a consultant lobbyist, it is not required to publish a list of clients, despite maintaining regular contact with top-ranking officials across government and previously meeting with ministers, including with its clients.

The now-defunct ‘revolving door’ watchdog Acoba commented that this makes it impossible to assess potential conflicts of interest when people move between government and the company. 

Though it is not strictly a lobbying firm, like many firms operating in the wider consulting and advisory industry, some of Hakluyt’s work brings it into contact with the government in a way that resembles lobbying. 

Hakluyt was investigated by the lobbying watchdog last year over meetings hosted by Chandra with Conservative ministers dating back to 2022. The watchdog found its activities did not meet the statutory definition of consultant lobbying – a narrow definition with a number of exemptions, including for companies that carry out lobbying which is “incidental” to their primary business. 

Kamila Kingstone, programme lead at Spotlight on Corruption, is one of many campaigners who has called for far-reaching lobbying reform, including an overhaul of the current consultant lobbying definition.

“Despite representing clients’ interests, the fact that Haklyut can meet senior officials without having to register as a consultant lobbyist shows yet again the weakness of the lobbying rules,” she told openDemocracy. 

“There are serious risks that Haklyut could be financially benefiting from the revolving door between itself and the government. And there are serious questions to answer about how Varun Chandra’s conflicts of interest are being managed and mitigated.”

Kingstone also highlighted the government transparency rules, which mean special advisers, even those with significant influence like Chandra, do not have to declare their meetings with external companies. 

“This story highlights the most glaring loophole, that meetings with special advisers do not need to appear in transparency releases or the lobbying register so the public do not know who is meeting some of the most influential people in government,” she added. 

“With the Ethics and Integrity Commission conducting a review of lobbying rules, the government needs to get a grip on the dire state lobbying transparency in the UK before the next scandal breaks.”

Original article by Ethan Shone republished form OpenDemocracy

Keir Starmer, Angela Rayner and Rachel Reeves wear the uniform of the rich and powerful. They have all had clothes bought for them by multi-millionaire Labour donor Lord Alli. CORRECTION: It appears that Rachel Reeves clothing was provided by Juliet Rosenfeld.
Keir Starmer, Angela Rayner and Rachel Reeves wear the uniform of the rich and powerful. They have all had clothes bought for them by multi-millionaire Labour donor Lord Alli. CORRECTION: It appears that Rachel Reeves clothing was provided by Juliet Rosenfeld.
Keir Starmer confirms that he doesn't know anything about democracy.
Keir Starmer confirms that he doesn’t know anything about democracy.
Keir Starmer explains that he feels no shame or guilt benefitting personally from gifts from the rich and powerful while insisting on policies of severe austerity causing suffering and death.
Keir Starmer explains that he feels no shame or guilt benefitting personally from gifts from the rich and powerful while insisting on policies of severe austerity causing suffering and death.
Continue ReadingLabour-linked consultancy saw record UK growth after boss left to work in No 10

The hidden agenda behind Labour’s desperate efforts to woo big business

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Original article by Grace Blakeley republished from openDemocracy under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence.

Chancellor Rachel Reeves and the rest of the Labour cabinet have been captured by corporate interests 
| Joe Giddens – WPA Pool/Getty Images

The party is steamrolling ahead with deregulation that will benefit big businesses at the expense of consumers. Why?

It’s no secret that Keir Starmer, Rachel Reeves, and the rest of the Labour cabinet have been captured by corporate interests.

Health secretary Wes Streeting has received at least £372,000 in donations from sources with links to private healthcare since 2015, equivalent to around £10,000 per month. The international lobbying and PR firm FGS Global, which is owned by the private equity firm that pulled out of buying Thames Water in June, sent a member of staff to work in Reeves’ office during the election campaign. And the party has received over £1m in donations from firms tied to the gambling industry in the past two years.

Labour’s links to big business and wealthy donors are concerning in themselves, but we now have direct evidence that they are being used to influence policy.

As openDemocracy reported this week, the party has defanged the Competition and Markets Authority, the regulator responsible for enforcing competition law, to appease business interests – at the expense of consumers.

The government’s deregulatory efforts began back in January, when it ousted Marcus Bokkerink as the CMA’s chair and replaced him with Doug Gurr, Amazon’s former UK boss. Appointing a former executive of one of the world’s most powerful monopolies as the head of a competition authority is so on the nose it defies satire; unions referred to the move as a “slap in the face”.

If this wasn’t enough, the business secretary, Jonathan Reynolds, instructed Gurr to deliver “pro-business decisions” in the role. The message from Labour is clear: we will not stand in the way of anti-competitive behaviour, regardless of the impact on people and planet.

Then, in May, the government issued a new “strategic steer to the CMA”, ordering the watchdog to prioritise “growth and investment” – a barely veiled instruction to wave through mergers and acquisitions that consolidate corporate power.

And just this week, the Financial Times reported that the chancellor plans to pursue a “blitz on bureaucracy” at the CMA by changing the way it reviews anti-competition investigations, which would likely make it easier for ministers to nudge outcomes in favour of big business. The move may come from Reeves, but its intellectual and political architect is reportedly Varun Chandra, one of Starmer’s most powerful advisers.

Chandra is a former managing partner at Hakluyt, the shadowy corporate intelligence firm founded by ex-MI6 officers, which counts among its clients many of the world’s biggest corporations and private equity funds. He retains a multimillion-pound stake in the company and deep relationships across the City and Silicon Valley. In government, he has pushed for a “pro-growth” deregulatory agenda.

This is how corporate capture works in the Labour Party today. There is a revolving door between corporate boardrooms and the highest offices of state. Ministers fall over themselves in their desperate attempts to gain the approval of the City and the Confederation of British Industry, an influential business lobby group. The party has demonstrated it is willing to take donations and gifts from almost anyone, and that it will happily return the favour by amending legislation or cutting regulation.

Ulterior motives

This corporate capture is, in part, a structural problem.

The state is not some neutral tool that political parties can pick up and use as they wish when they enter power. As Marxist theorist Nicos Poulantzas argued back in the 1970s, it is a social relation: a set of institutions that crystallise the balance of class power in society. In capitalist societies, capital is both better resourced and more organised than labour, and this imbalance of power is reflected within state institutions.

When a party severs its links with the working-class organisations that once anchored it in social struggle – from trade unions, to protest movements, to community organisers – it doesn’t float above class conflict; instead, it must fill the gap left by the mass base by deepening its links to capital. This reorganisation of the relationship between party and base is exactly what’s happened to Starmer’s Labour. Absent a mass movement capable of holding politicians to account, his government takes its cues from the boardroom rather than workers and communities.

But there’s also a more cynical dynamic at play, too. Everyone knows this government’s days are numbered, including Starmer himself. Nigel Farage’s Reform UK has cannibalised the Conservative Party and is now tearing ahead in the polls. Labour was probably hoping to rely on haranguing its disgruntled left-wing voters over the need to stop the rise of Reform, but with Starmer increasingly echoing Farage’s talking points, the Greens now seem like a more natural home for those people.

In short, Labour is toast – and it knows it. Ministers and advisers are already looking beyond government to the well-paid, cushy corporate positions they all want to take up when they leave office.

For the Tories who lost their seats at the last election, this transition was pretty easy thanks to the long-standing links between their party and big business and finance. Labour politicians have had to work harder to cultivate strong relationships with the private sector. In this context, the push for ‘pro-business’ policies isn’t just ideological – it’s personal.

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Keir Starmer explains that he feels no shame or guilt benefitting personally from gifts from the rich and powerful while insisting on policies of severe austerity causing suffering and death.
Keir Starmer explains that he feels no shame or guilt benefitting personally from gifts from the rich and powerful while insisting on policies of severe austerity causing suffering and death.
Keir Starmer says that the Labour Party under his leadership all feel a small part of Scunthorpe.
Keir Starmer says that the Labour Party under his leadership all feel a small part of Scunthorpe.

Continue ReadingThe hidden agenda behind Labour’s desperate efforts to woo big business