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Palestinians gather at the main entrance of Jenin Refugee Camp as the Israeli army prevent thousands of Palestinians from returning to their homes in Jenin, West Bank on February 19, 2025. [Nedal Eshtayah – Anadolu Agency]
More than 12,000 Palestinian children are living in a state of “forced displacement” in the West Bank as a result of Israel’s ongoing military operation in the north of the occupied territory, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) said Sunday, Anadolu reports.
Since Jan. 21, 2025, the Israeli army has been carrying out a military campaign in the northern West Bank, which began in the Jenin refugee camp and later expanded to the Nur Shams and Tulkarem camps.
Israeli forces have imposed a siege on the three camps, accompanied by widespread destruction of infrastructure, homes and shops, leading to the displacement of around 50,000 Palestinians, according to official figures.
“More than 12,000 children remain forcibly displaced in the occupied West Bank,” the UNRWA said in a statement on the US social media company X.
In response to the operation, UNRWA said it “launched an emergency education program for displaced children in February 2025.”
The refugee agency said it has provided education “through temporary learning spaces, online teaching, the distribution of self-learning materials, and psycho-social support” for affected students.
UNRWA noted that 48,000 children attend its schools across the occupied West Bank.
Israeli forces and illegal settlers have killed at least 1,105 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, injured nearly 11,000, and detained around 21,000 since October 2023, according to Palestinian figures.
In a landmark opinion last July, the International Court of Justice declared Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory illegal and called for the evacuation of all settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
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Genocide denier and Current UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is quoted that he supports Zionism without qualification. He also confirms that UK air force support has been essential in Israel’s mass-murdering genocide. Includes URLs https://www.declassifieduk.org/keir-starmers-100-spy-flights-over-gaza-in-support-of-israel/ and https://youtu.be/O74hZCKKdpAKeir Starmer objects to criticism of the IDF. He asks how could anyone object to them starving people to death, forced marches like the Nazis did, bombing Gaza’s hospitals and universities, mass-murdering journalists, healthworkers and starving people queuing for food, killing and raping prisoners and murdering children. He calls for people to stop obstructing his genocide for Israel.Orcas discuss Genocide-supporting and complicit Zionists. Donald Trump, Keith Starmer, David Lammy, Rachel Reeves, Angela Rayner and Wes Streeting are acknowledged as evil genocide-complicit and supporting cnuts.
This work by Middle East Monitor is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
Protesters hold a banner accusing Israel of ethnic cleansing in Gaza at the Nakba 76 March for Palestine against Israeli attacks on Gaza in central London, UK on 18 May 2024 [Soloman/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)
When a chartered flight carrying more than 150 Palestinians from Gaza landed in Johannesburg last week, confusion filled South African airwaves. As reported by The Guardian (15 Nov 2025), the passengers — weary, hungry, and bewildered — were held on board for hours, unable to explain where they had come from or who had organised their journey. Most had no exit stamps or official travel documents. To many observers, it looked like a logistical mishap amid the chaos of war. Yet behind the scenes, a far more disturbing pattern appears to be emerging: the quiet transformation of forced displacement into a new, bureaucratic face of ethnic cleansing.
For decades, Zionist Israel has pursued systematic methods to dispossess Palestinians. The open violence — bombardment, blockade, and home demolitions — is merely the most visible. Yet the subtler machinery of displacement has never ceased. It operates quietly, through psychological exhaustion, bureaucratic restriction, and controlled mobility.
Palestinians released from Israeli prisons are often expelled directly from their homeland or denied permits to return to their cities and villages. Others are subjected to constant harassment and surveillance, confined by administrative orders that make normal life impossible. Many former detainees describe being pushed to the conclusion that leaving Palestine is their only viable escape from unending humiliation and control.
The same logic extends to the younger generation. Students and youth activists live under perpetual monitoring — their academic lives, social gatherings, and even online presence are tracked, creating a climate of fear that narrows both their physical and intellectual space. The goal is not only to punish resistance but to suffocate hope, turning departure into a coerced choice.
The latest events merely reveal another layer of this long continuum: expulsion through paperwork, or more precisely, through the deliberate absence of it. Multiple investigations show that passengers were escorted through the Karam Salem crossing and transferred to Israel’s Ramon Airport without their passports being stamped. Bureaucratically, this erases their legal identity; without proof of exit, their right of return dissolves. Politically, it signals a chilling shift from siege to disappearance — the continuation of ethnic cleansing by administrative means.
The organisation behind these “humanitarian” flights calls itself Al-Majd Europe. On its own website, the group describes itself as a humanitarian organisation “founded in 2010 in Germany” and “specialising in providing aid and rescue efforts to Muslim communities in conflict and war zones.” Its self-presentation is steeped in religious language — “Our roots are rooted in the values and heritage of Islam, and our headquarters are located in Jerusalem” — projecting an image of benevolent rescue and offering “evacuation services” to Gazans. Yet the site also includes a disclaimer warning against “hidden smugglers using our name and asking for money.”
Investigative journalists from AP and Al Jazeera have since uncovered a digital mirage: a domain registered abroad, cryptocurrency payment options, AI-generated staff photos, and no verifiable headquarters. Families in Gaza reportedly paid thousands of dollars to secure passage, only for the organisation to vanish once the flights landed. Is this the latest form of smuggling — not into, but away from the homeland? What masquerades as rescue thus becomes complicity, a humanitarian mask concealing the machinery of erasure.
The spectacle is disturbingly familiar. In 1933, Nazi Germany signed the Haavara (“Transfer”) Agreement with Zionist agencies — a plan enabling German Jews to emigrate to Palestine by exporting their assets as German industrial and agricultural equipment. At the time, the scheme was advertised as humanitarian relief; in retrospect, it functioned as a logistical mechanism for demographic engineering. The parallel is unsettling: ninety years later, Palestinians are again being moved through networks that speak the language of rescue while erasing their legal and territorial claims. Al-Majd Europe, like Haavara before it, turns displacement into a business of reconfiguration — transforming a colonised population into mobile labour, and dispossession into managed mobility.
That the first of these flights ended up in South Africa is profoundly symbolic. The country that dismantled apartheid recognised, almost instinctively, the echo of its own past. When the passengers were finally released, President Cyril Ramaphosa intervened personally — welcoming them on humanitarian grounds but warning that South Africa would not become a corridor for disguised deportations. His statement cut through global indifference: this was not migration; it was the outsourcing of displacement.
The pattern is neither isolated nor accidental. Reports suggest earlier flights organised through similar channels and an expanding number of “relocation” offers targeting Palestinians trapped between war and economic despair. The Israeli role in facilitating undocumented departures cannot be dismissed as bureaucratic oversight. It aligns with a long-standing objective to depopulate Gaza without the spectacle of expulsion. By transforming refugees into “migrants,” Israel reframes dispossession as voluntary mobility and absolves itself of legal responsibility.
As AP reported, the operation remains shadowy. Rights groups fear it signals an attempt by Israel to push Palestinians from Gaza under the pretext of humanitarian coordination. The Washington Post reported that Israel’s Foreign Ministry referred questions to the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), which confirmed that Palestinians left Gaza “after approval from a third country” under a government policy permitting exits. It declined to name that third country. Since the start of the war, some 40,000 people have reportedly left Gaza under this arrangement as reported by AP.
The roots of this policy reach back to the Trump administration, when Washington briefly endorsed a plan to “empty Gaza permanently” of its population which international lawyers described as ethnic cleansing. Though President Trump later abandoned that rhetoric while brokering a ceasefire, the underlying ambition in order to reduce Gaza’s demographic weight has quietly persisted through administrative means.
Testimonies from Jerusalem and Jordan reveal that this machinery of quiet transfer extends well beyond Gaza. Each week, buses reportedly depart through neighbouring countries or via Ramon Airport, carrying Palestinians enticed by online campaigns promising “legal migration opportunities” — framed as educational scholarships, job offers, medical treatment, or family reunification. Applicants fill out forms, pay fees, and are told they have “won” relocation — an illusion of luck masking financial exploitation. Locals point to a web of intermediaries linked to international entities and private offices such as Al-Majd, believed to have ties in Jerusalem and Countries in the West. One of its figures allegedly sought to run for municipal elections in Israel years ago.
Economic predation is only one layer of harm. Beneath it lies a deeper political design: demographic re-engineering. While select groups are quietly granted Israeli citizenship or residency through new administrative channels, restrictions on Palestinians holding temporary or permanent Jordanian passports intensify. Bureaucratic obstacles such as delays at bridge crossings, arbitrary “security reviews,” the rising cost of renewals , create pressure to leave or to seek new documents abroad. The cumulative effect is to blur identity, exhaust mobility rights, and fracture the continuity of Palestinian belonging.
This is ethnic cleansing by other means: the slow unmaking of a people through procedures, incentives, and silence. The humanitarian façade only deepens the crime, for it invites the world to mistake coercion for compassion. International law has yet to catch up with these invisible forms of transfer with no gunfire, no camps, no headlines.
Equally troubling is the regional silence. No Arab government has demanded clarification on how Palestinians, still under siege, were escorted through Israeli territory to foreign airports. No official has questioned who authorised their passage or why their identities were left deliberately undocumented. The international community, meanwhile, treats the case as a “migration anomaly,” reducing a political crime to a bureaucratic curiosity. In an age obsessed with migration management, the border has become both weapon and excuse.
What emerges is a new humanitarian economy ; one that profits from despair while serving geopolitical agendas. Each “evacuation” flight reduces the demographic pressure Israel seeks to erase; each visa issued elsewhere shifts responsibility from the occupier to the host. Even well-meaning aid actors risk becoming instruments of this design when oversight fails.
South Africa’s stance offers a rare moment of moral clarity. Its refusal to participate reminds us that apartheid , whether in the form of walls or airports , can only persist through global complicity. Yet moral clarity alone is not enough. The Palestinian displacement project has entered officially a new phase that is quieter, procedural, almost invisible. Unless states, journalists, and civil society expose the networks behind these operations, the world may soon awaken to find an emptied Gaza and a scattered people — all with paperwork, but without rights.
The image of Palestinians stepping onto unmarked planes with no flag and no stamp may seem benign beside the devastation of Gaza’s ruins. But it captures the next chapter of erasure. The weapon is no longer the bomb but the boarding pass; the target no longer the body, but the legal trace that ties it to home. When the architecture of expulsion is rebuilt in the language of humanitarianism, silence becomes complicity.
History will not forgive the world for ignoring these silent flights. They are not anomalies. They are the future blueprint of ethnic cleansing — refined, digital, and deniable.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
Keir Starmer objects to criticism of the IDF. He asks how could anyone object to them starving people to death, forced marches like the Nazis did, bombing Gaza’s hospitals and universities, mass-murdering journalists, healthworkers and starving people queuing for food, killing and raping prisoners and murdering children. He calls for people to stop obstructing his genocide for Israel.Orcas discuss Genocide-supporting and complicit Zionists. Donald Trump, Keith Starmer, David Lammy, Rachel Reeves, Angela Rayner and Wes Streeting are acknowledged as evil genocide-complicit and supporting cnuts.Genocide denying UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy says that UK is suspending 30 of 350 arms licences to Israel. He also confirms the UK government’s support for Israel’s Gaza genocide and the UK government and military’s active participation in genocide.
Palestinians follow the news about the ceasefire agreement in Khan Yunis, Gaza, on 9 October 2025 | Abdallah F.s. Alattar/Anadolu via Getty Images)
For two years, our lives have been on hold amid constant air strikes and fighting. Now, we finally have reason to hope
Growing up in Gaza, my friends and I often heard older relatives’ stories of the Nakba; learning about the homes that Israeli troops forced them out of in 1948, and the keys they forever carried with them in hopes of returning. We never imagined that we would one day carry this pain ourselves.
For the last two years, history has repeated itself before the eyes of the world. Those of us in Gaza who have survived the Israeli genocide have lived a new Nakba, not knowing where to go or if we will ever return home.
This has not been one war, but multiple wars happening at once. It is the war of relentless bombing that destroyed homes and neighbourhoods, the war of forced displacement that has pushed hundreds of thousands into the unknown at a moment’s notice, and the war of tents that offer no protection from the scorching summer heat or the cold and rain of winter.
Today, as we hear news of a ceasefire, we’re caught between feeling joy and fear – between believing and doubting.
I was in my hometown of Rafah in May last year when the Israeli occupation launched its invasion of the city. In a single day, Rafah was transformed from an overcrowded city sheltering more than 1.5 million people – both its own residents and those who’d sought refuge there after being displaced from elsewhere in Gaza – to an empty wasteland.
Within hours, the roads filled with overloaded cars and carts as hundreds of thousands of people, my family included, abandoned their homes and most of their belongings, fleeing towards the unknown. There was no time to think or to salvage what remained; fearing what would happen to those trapped, we all chose survival over everything else.
A few days later, the evacuation operation expanded further, forcing tens of thousands of us to move to the Mawasi area in Khan Younis. I’d never been to Mawasi before, but I had heard about it from friends online: a barren land with sand dunes unlike anything we’d seen before. When we arrived, we found dilapidated plastic tents, extreme overcrowding, no sewage or basic services.
The tents’ flimsy fabric roofs offered no protection from the summer heat or the winter cold. Our daily life turned into a continuous struggle of finding water, trying to charge our phones, and dealing with internet cuts, with scorching days and freezing nights. Even sleeping and talking became difficult amid the complete lack of privacy.
Life in the camps offered no safety at all. One evening, my cousin Ali was returning from the sea at sunset when he was chased by a quadcopter – a small, remote-controlled drone that Israel has used to surveil, intimidate and even kill civilians in Gaza. Ali froze in place for minutes that he said felt like hours before the drone disappeared, and he ran away, terrified. After that, we no longer dared to leave the area once darkness fell.
Every night, we would lay awake listening to stray bullets from occupation snipers piercing the air, planting terror in our hearts. We would lie on the ground instinctively, fearing any bullet that might pierce the tent, and sometimes six of us would gather in a small stone room at my aunt’s place, seeking a sliver of safety. After a neighbour’s child was paralysed by a stray bullet that pierced their tent, some of my relatives dug small trenches inside theirs to hide in.
On 10 September 2024, we lived through a night we will never forget. The evening began like any other; my family was in the tent and I was laying out front, trying to escape the heat, reading Letter from Gaza, a short story about a young man who returns home to Gaza to find his neighbourhood destroyed. It could have been penned any day over the past two years, but was written nearly 70 years ago by Palestinian author and militant Ghassan Kanafani.
I was interrupted by the sound of a military helicopter, followed by five consecutive airstrikes that destroyed much of the camp. My family managed to escape unharmed, which was a miracle, but in an instant, we lost everything we owned for a second time: our tent, our few belongings, my university certificates, and the computer that I used for my studies.
I remember screams, blood, and mothers searching for their children in the smoke. The Palestinian Civil Defence Agency later reported that 40 people had died that night, and 60 others were injured. But we had nowhere else to go, so my mother and sisters moved briefly into a friend’s tent, and within a week my father and I had rebuilt a shelter for us.
Then came the ceasefire on 18 January 2025, bringing a ray of hope. I returned to my home in Rafah, clutching the key as if it were all I had left. But my joy did not last long. When I reached the neighbourhood, I found nothing but rubble. My house, the homes of my relatives and friends, even my grandmother’s house, the place I most loved spending time – they were all gone.
The key I had believed would take me back home became merely a symbol of a Nakba that my ancestors had already endured, a memory of a home that no longer exists. Still, we stayed in Rafah, staying with a relative and trying to rebuild our lives.
My family is far from alone. Since the start of the invasion, 1.9 million people, nearly 90% of Gaza’s population, have been internally displaced – many of them forced to move over and over again as Israel expands its war into areas it told us would be safe. The occupation now controls large parts of the Strip, leaving less than 30% of Gaza’s original area habitable and making freedom of movement impossible.
In mid-March, two months after it started, the ceasefire ended abruptly and the war’s devastation resumed overnight. The bombardment intensified worse than ever, and by the morning, Rafah was surrounded by Israeli tanks. We were forced to evacuate for a fifth time, returning to a tent in Mawasi without any of the belongings I had managed to salvage from our shelled home.
On that day, I realised my old life would never return. For me, it was a new phase of the war, a new chapter of terror. I had to face that the relentless and violent bombing was not just a passing event, but our everyday reality – everything I knew from before the war was gone, just memories.
For more than a year, Rafah has been entirely under occupation, with no news of when we might be able to go home. The city is no longer as I knew it growing up. There is no safety, and freedom of movement is impossible.
Despite all the loss and suffering tied into displacement, it has reunited me with friends whom war stopped me from seeing for over a year. Hamdan, my friend from Khan Younis, Mahmoud from Gaza City, and Ramez from East Khan Younis; we all found ourselves in the same area, a small solace in all the devastation.
My friends and I began sharing our stories and sorrows every day. Mahmoud, with whom I went to university before its buildings were destroyed and our dreams were shattered, told us of how his family spent most of the past two years refusing to leave Gaza City, in the north of the Gaza Strip, choosing to endure the war in their home.
Then, last month, Binyamin Netanyahu’s occupation announced its plan to fully occupy the city. The shelling intensified, and every time Mahmoud looked out of his window, he would see the trucks that were carrying more than half a million people and their belongings south.
Over 200,000 families remained in the city, though. Some had nowhere else to go, some could not afford the up to $5,000 it can cost to transport belongings and purchase tents, and some, like Mahmoud’s family, simply did not want to leave.
Eventually, the shelling hit the neighbourhood where Mahmoud and his family lived, and became a daily occurrence. Several nearby tower blocks were destroyed. All services in the area collapsed; there was no potable water, or even dirty water, and no people on the streets or in the markets. Life became impossible. Mahmoud’s family was finally forced to evacuate.
Mahmoud and I are no longer who we once were. We used to have breakfast together in the university cafeteria, walk through the lecture halls together to attend our daily classes, and go together to Gaza City’s central library to borrow a book or one of the English novels. Now, we still see each other most days – living as we do in nearby camps – but our lives are so different now; we are unrecognisable from who we once were.
Two years have passed in which life has been on hold. Every day we have asked ourselves the same question: will this nightmare ever end? Then, last night, we finally heard the news that we have all been waiting for: Israel and Hamas appear ready to reach a peace deal.
The camp instantly came alive. Women began to ululate and children laughed, it felt as though everyone had been waiting for just one moment to breathe, a brief pause from this long fear. No one knows if this is truly the end or just another pause in the war, but today, we all need to believe that peace – even for a moment – is still possible.
Hassan Herzallah is a Palestinian translator and writer based in Gaza.
Keir Starmer objects to criticism of the IDF. He asks how could anyone object to them starving people to death, forced marches like the Nazis did, bombing Gaza’s hospitals and universities, mass-murdering journalists, healthworkers and starving people queuing for food, killing and raping prisoners and murdering children. He calls for people to stop obstructing his genocide for Israel.Genocide denier and Current UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is quoted that he supports Zionism without qualification. He also confirms that UK air force support has been essential in Israel’s mass-murdering genocide. Includes URLs https://www.declassifieduk.org/keir-starmers-100-spy-flights-over-gaza-in-support-of-israel/ and https://youtu.be/O74hZCKKdpAGenocide denying UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy says that UK is suspending 30 of 350 arms licences to Israel. He also confirms the UK government’s support for Israel’s Gaza genocide and the UK government and military’s active participation in genocide.
The commission concluded that statements by Benjamin Netanyahu and other officials were ‘direct evidence of genocidal intent’. Photograph: Debbie Hill/Reuters
Commission’s 72-page legal analysis cites examples including scale of killings, aid blockages and forced displacement
A UN commission of inquiry concluded on Tuesday that Israel had committed genocide in Gaza and that top Israeli officials including the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, had incited these acts.
It cited examples of the scale of the killings, aid blockages, forced displacement and the destruction of a fertility clinic to back up its genocide finding, adding its voice to rights groups and others that have reached the same conclusion.
“Genocide is occurring in Gaza,” said Navi Pillay, the head of the commission of inquiry on the occupied Palestinian territory and a former international criminal court judge.
“The responsibility for these atrocity crimes lies with Israeli authorities at the highest echelons who have orchestrated a genocidal campaign for almost two years now with the specific intent to destroy the Palestinian group in Gaza.”
Israel has declined to cooperate with the commission. Israel’s diplomatic mission in Geneva accuses the commission of having a political agenda against Israel.
“Israel categorically rejects this distorted and false report and calls for the immediate abolition of this commission of inquiry,” a statement from the foreign ministry said.
The commission’s 72-page legal analysis is the strongest UN finding to date but the body is independent and does not officially speak for the UN. The UN has not yet used the term genocide but is under mounting pressure to do so.
Genocide denier and Current UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is quoted that he supports Zionism without qualification. He also confirms that UK air force support has been essential in Israel’s mass-murdering genocide. Includes URLs https://www.declassifieduk.org/keir-starmers-100-spy-flights-over-gaza-in-support-of-israel/ and https://youtu.be/O74hZCKKdpAKeir Starmer objects to criticism of the IDF. He asks how could anyone object to them starving people to death, forced marches like the Nazis did, bombing Gaza’s hospitals and universities, mass-murdering journalists, healthworkers and starving people queuing for food, killing and raping prisoners and murdering children. He calls for people to stop obstructing his genocide for Israel.
This work by Middle East Monitor is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
Pose for a group photo following the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Foreign Ministers meeting with Japan’s Foreign Minister in Kuwait City on September 1, 2025. [Photo by YASSER AL-ZAYYAT/AFP via Getty Images]
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) called Monday for an immediate and lasting ceasefire in Gaza, the release of all hostages and detainees, and unrestricted humanitarian access to the enclave, Anadolu reports.
In a final communiqué following a ministerial session in Kuwait, the bloc pressed for full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2735, adopted in June 2024, and praised mediation efforts led by Qatar, Egypt and the US.
The ministers condemned Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide, citing mass killings, forced displacement, starvation policies and the destruction of homes, hospitals, schools, mosques and churches. They urged the international community to take urgent steps to halt these crimes and hold perpetrators accountable.
The GCC rejected any Israeli attempt to annex parts of Gaza or impose direct military rule, stressing that Gaza and the West Bank must remain united under the Palestinian Authority.
The council also condemned repeated Israeli attacks on humanitarian convoys and aid workers, recalling UN Security Council Resolution 2730 on protecting humanitarian staff.
It welcomed statements by the European Union and a coalition of 26 international partners in July calling for an immediate end to the war and unrestricted delivery of aid.
On the Palestinian issue, the GCC reaffirmed its commitment to a two-state solution, calling for an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital, in line with the Arab Peace Initiative and international law.
It praised an international conference held at the UN last month, co-chaired by Saudi Arabia and France, which underscored support for setting a timeline to establish Palestinian statehood and ensure regional stability.
The ministers also welcomed the planned recognition of Palestine by France, the UK, Portugal, Malta, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, urging all other states to follow suit.
The GCC condemned Israel’s plan to transfer control of Hebron’s Ibrahimi Mosque to a Jewish religious council, settlement expansion in the West Bank, and calls by Israeli lawmakers to annex the occupied territory.
Israel has killed over 63,500 Palestinians in Gaza since October 2023. The military campaign has devastated the enclave, which is facing famine.
Last November, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.
Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its war on the enclave.
Genocide denier and Current UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is quoted that he supports Zionism without qualification. He also confirms that UK air force support has been essential in Israel’s mass-murdering genocide. Includes URLs https://www.declassifieduk.org/keir-starmers-100-spy-flights-over-gaza-in-support-of-israel/ and https://youtu.be/O74hZCKKdpAUK Labour Party government ministers Keir Starmer, Angela Rayner and Rachel Reeves explain that they are partners complicit in Israel’s Gaza genocide. The UK has provided Israel with arms, military and air force support. They explain that they don’t do gas chambers but do do forced marches, starvation, destroy hospitals, mass-murders of journalists and healthcare workers.Vote Labour for Genocide.
