Israel’s 7 October narrative under fresh scrutiny after army accused of deleting footage
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The Israeli army secretly seized and deleted parts of the 7 October security camera footage, according to a report published by Israel Hayom yesterday, in the latest revelation to deepen suspicion over the official Israeli account of the events of that day.
The Hebrew-language daily reported that on the evening of 9 October 2023, a classified reserve unit operating under the Israeli army’s Ground Forces Command arrived at Kibbutz Be’eri and asked members of the kibbutz’s rapid-response squad to hand over the device storing all the community’s security camera recordings. The unit commander told the exhausted residents that he needed the material “to bring the hostages home” and promised it would not be shared and would be returned in full.
No written commitment was given. By the following morning, the officer had left Be’eri with the recordings and headed to the Kirya, the Israeli army’s headquarters complex in Tel Aviv.
According to the report, the classified unit — composed of reservists drawn from elite formations including Sayeret Matkal, Shaldag, Shayetet 13 and Duvdevan, and founded around a decade ago by former officer Yoaz Hendel — “operates in the gray zones,” a reference to covert, legally ambiguous missions that fall outside the army’s regular chain of command and conventional rules of engagement.
On the morning of 7 October, the commander of the unit, identified only as “N,” activated the group on his own initiative and dispatched the teams to collect visual material from security cameras, dashcams and GoPro cameras belonging to Palestinian fighters.
OPINION: Why Israel insists on defending its lies about the October attack
Material seized from Kibbutz Be’eri’s command room was subsequently passed to the Hostages and Missing Persons Families’ Management, to the Israeli army Spokesperson’s Unit and to other unspecified bodies inside the Israeli defence establishment, Israel Hayom reported.
From there, the unit lost control of the footage. Two days after the recordings were handed over, one of the kibbutz security squad members watching television recognised the now-iconic footage of an elderly Palestinian man hobbling on crutches into a Gaza border community.
“At that moment I was seething with rage,” he told the paper. “Because I recognised that the material came from the perimeter fence camera at Be’eri — the same camera whose footage had been handed to the officer.” The footage had been broadcast without the kibbutz’s knowledge or consent.
Residents of Kibbutz Be’eri who reviewed the returned material this week told Israel Hayom that the recordings had been “tampered with” and returned with deletions. The paper noted that it was unable to independently verify the claim, but pointed out that residents’ suspicions had been reinforced by a separate investigation by Israeli journalist Gali Ginat for Uvda, the country’s leading investigative current affairs television programme, which uncovered footage from the Dor Alon petrol station near neighbouring Kfar Aza — footage that the Israeli army had previously insisted no longer existed.
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“October 7 is defined by a profound crisis of trust,” one Be’eri resident told the paper. “The decisions to delete materials were made ‘under fluorescent lights’ — it’s a conscious decision, not one made in the chaos of combat. These are recordings that belong to the community, of people from the community, and you simply take them and delete them without giving them back.”
Asked why he believed portions of the footage had been deleted, the resident replied: “The day will come when an investigative commission is established here. The fewer witnesses there are, the less damage certain people in the military will sustain. I know it sounds conspiratorial, but the more I think about it, the more that is the conclusion I reach.”
The disclosure is the latest in a series of revelations that have chipped away at Israel’s official narrative of 7 October.
Israel’s most widely circulated atrocity claims have collapsed under scrutiny. The “40 beheaded babies” story, repeated by Israeli officials and amplified by US President Joe Biden in the immediate aftermath of the attack, was never substantiated and is now widely treated as propaganda.
Allegations of systematic sexual violence by Palestinian fighters, propagated by a now-discredited New York Times investigation, have similarly been undermined: Israeli prosecutors have confirmed that no rape complaints were ever filed in connection with 7 October, the Associated Press has reported that key accounts were untrue, and a UN Commission of Inquiry said it had been “unable to independently verify specific allegations” due to Israel’s obstruction of its investigations. Tel Aviv has separately blocked a UN probe into the alleged sexual violence.
Mounting evidence has also confirmed that the Israeli army itself killed an unknown number of its own citizens on 7 October through its activation of the so-called “Hannibal Directive” — a controversial standing order authorising the use of overwhelming force, including against captured Israelis, to prevent their being taken hostage.
READ: Israel has manufactured an industrial-scale version of Jim Crow rape hoaxes
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US secretary of state raises questions about NATO amid Iran war
This work by Middle East Monitor is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio raised questions regarding NATO amid the war with Iran, criticizing Spain for denying US aircraft access to its bases during the war, Anadolu reports.
“One of the reasons why I supported NATO was because it gave us basing rights. It allowed us to have bases in Europe that we could use in a contingency like something in the Middle East,” Rubio said in an interview with Fox News, aired Wednesday but taped earlier this week.
“So when you have NATO partners denying you the use of those bases – when the primary reason why NATO is good for America is now being denied to us by Spain, as an example – then what’s the purpose of the Alliance? It starts becoming a ‘they’re allies when they want to be’ kind of thing,” he added.
Spain has denied US military aircraft access to its air bases during the Iran conflict, prompting threats from Washington of a trade embargo, troop withdrawals and even suspension from NATO.
Clarifying that there are countries in NATO that are “very helpful” to the US, he said that “others like Spain have been atrocious, just horrifying.”
“What is the purpose of being in an alliance whose benefit to us is these basing rights if, in a time of conflict like the one we’ve had with Iran, they can deny us the use of those bases? So why are we there for? Only to protect them but not to further our national interest? This is a very legitimate question that we need to address,” Rubio said.
READ: No military solution to issues involving Iran, Tehran will not yield to threats: Iran’s top diplomat
This work by Middle East Monitor is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

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‘Children shot, stabbed and pepper-sprayed in occupied West Bank’, UNICEF says
This work by Middle East Monitor is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

Israeli forces and armed Jewish settlers are carrying out increasingly coordinated attacks on Palestinian children across the occupied West Bank, with documented incidents including shootings, stabbings, beatings and the use of pepper spray, the UN’s children’s agency has said.
Speaking to reporters in Geneva on Tuesday, UNICEF spokesperson James Elder said: “We’re seeing attacks become increasingly coordinated. Documented incidents include children shot, stabbed, children beaten and children pepper-sprayed.”
At least 70 Palestinian children have been killed in the occupied West Bank since January 2025 — an average of one a week — and a further 850 have been injured, the vast majority by live Israeli ammunition, according to UNICEF figures.
The agency said March 2026 had recorded the highest number of Palestinians injured by settler attacks in the past 20 years. “All this comes amid historic levels of settler attacks,” Elder said.
Recalling a recent visit to the occupied territory, the UNICEF spokesperson described meeting an eight-year-old Palestinian boy who had been beaten with a piece of wood during a settler attack and hospitalised for head injuries. The boy’s mother, he said, “had both her arms broken when she reached across to protect her four-month-old baby, putting therefore her arms between her baby and the attacker’s club.”
READ: Palestinian children injured in Israeli raids, as illegal settlers step up attacks in West Bank
Elder also highlighted a sharp increase in attacks targeting Palestinian education, including the killing, injury and detention of students and the demolition of schools by Israeli forces. “Schools, which should be places of safety and stability, are increasingly becoming places of panic,” he said.
The spokesperson described accompanying Palestinian schoolchildren on their journey to class in an effort to help them avoid being attacked. “It’s interesting to watch them walk… They don’t walk in a straight line because they’re constantly looking over their shoulder,” he said. “This is a walk to school. It’s become a walk through fear.”
UNICEF also reported a “sharp rise” in the arrest and detention of Palestinian children by Israeli occupation forces. Some 347 Palestinian children are currently being held in Israeli military detention “for alleged security-related offences” — the highest figure in eight years, Elder said.
“Alarmingly, more than half of these children, 180, are held under administrative detention and without the procedural safeguards, including detention without regular access to legal counsel and the right to challenge detention,” Elder added.
Administrative detention is a system inherited from the British Mandate era that allows the Israeli military to hold Palestinians indefinitely without charge or trial, on the basis of secret evidence.
Turning to the Gaza Strip, Elder said the UN had documented the killing of at least 229 Palestinian children and the injury of 260 more since the October 2025 ceasefire — agreed after nearly two years of Israel’s genocidal assault on the besieged enclave.
Dr Reinhilde Van de Weerdt, the World Health Organization’s representative in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, told the same briefing that some 10,000 children in Gaza are now living with life-changing injuries.
An estimated 43,000 of the 172,000 Palestinians injured in Gaza since October 2023 have sustained such trauma — including injuries to limbs, the spinal cord or the brain — she said. Almost 2,500 people have been injured since the October 2025 ceasefire alone.
“Of the 2,277 people that have had a limb amputated, less than 25 per cent have been fitted with permanent prosthetics,” Van de Weerdt said, blaming a severe shortage of prosthetics inside the Strip.
READ: Illegal Israeli settlers attack Palestinians in 13 locations across occupied West Bank

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- Aafia Siddiqui and Pakistan’s bargain with American gulags
- Why Saudi Arabia’s PIF should build battery storage factories in Indonesia
- Danish police baton charge, detain activists protesting shipping company over Israel-related cargo
- Belgian university to withdraw from 5 EU education projects involving Israeli partners
- The Nakba between hypocritical remembrance and oblivion
- ‘Children shot, stabbed and pepper-sprayed in occupied West Bank’, UNICEF says
- US secretary of state raises questions about NATO amid Iran war
- Israel’s 7 October narrative under fresh scrutiny after army accused of deleting footage
- Israel says it inks $35 million deal ‘to extend F-35 fighter jet range’ amid Iran war
- The anatomy of a fracture: The structural forces behind the UAE’s OPEC exit
- Saudi minister launches sharp criticism on Muslim Brotherhood
- Hamas criticises Mladenov remarks on Gaza ceasefire violations
- More than 61 killed in South Kordofan tribal clashes, Sudan Doctors Network says
- US court suspends sanctions on Albanese despite campaign against her
- Saudi Arabia, Spain sign strategic partnership agreement during Madrid talks
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- Sisi and Museveni discuss Nile cooperation and water security in Entebbe
- Human Rights Watch says reports of sexual abuse of Palestinian prisoners align with previous findings
- Israeli occupiers storm Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa compound ahead of Jerusalem Day march
- Why Trump decided to back Iraq’s prime minister-designate, Ali al-Zaidi
- Report: Shin Bet chief and senior Israeli officials visited UAE amid Iran war
- Arabs and Palestinians in Britain call on Starmer for equal protection during Nakba commemoration
- No military solution to issues involving Iran, Tehran will not yield to threats: Iran’s top diplomat
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- 3 Republican senators join Democrats in bid to advance Iran war powers resolution
- Israeli premier made secret trip to UAE to meet President bin Zayed
- ‘We are not asking Hamas to disappear as political movement,’ says Board of Peace envoy
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- Nakba at 78: The Beginning of the End of Zionism? | Palestine This Week with Mouin Rabbani
- Israel becomes world’s most disliked country, global survey finds
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- Israel uprooted Palestinians 2.8 million times in a single year, new report reveals
- Official report: Israel facing military fragility as armament stockpiles dwindle since October 2023
- Senior UN official briefly detained by Israel after Gaza visit
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No, It’s Not Antisemitic to Charge Israel With Genocide and It’s Dangerous to Say It Is
Article by James Zogby republished from Common Dreams under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0).

It posits that Israel represents all Jews and therefore criticism of Israel becomes criticism of the Jewish people and it denies the victims of Israel’s behaviors their legitimate right to speak of their pain.
Is it antisemitic to say that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza? More generally, is it “hurtful and insensitive” for someone to acknowledge the suffering that Israel has inflicted on the Palestinian people? In recent weeks, actions by two different institutions of higher learning brought these two questions to the forefront.
On April 15, a group of faculty and student organizations at Le Moyne College in Syracuse, New York, hosted celebrated Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Mosab Abu Toha to speak at the campus. During his appearance, to set the stage for the poems he was to read, Abu Toha shared his experiences living in Gaza during the start of the Israeli assault. He told of the members of his and his wife’s families who had been killed in Israel’s bombing campaigns. Entire families erased, neighborhoods laid waste, memories eradicated. It was, he stated, a genocide.
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Days after event, Le Moyne’s president issued a statement apologizing for the discomfort that Abu Toha’s remarks may have created for some in the college community. The letter noted that his use of the word genocide in connection with the state of Israel caused “real hurt” and was leaving “some members of our community to feel unwelcome.” The president concluded by affirming that “antisemitism, along with all forms of bigotry and hate, has no place at Le Moyne.”
Abu Toha responded to the president’s letter with an “open letter” of his own, rejecting the implication that using the word genocide to describe Israel’s actions could be termed antisemitic.
It is worth noting that the assumption underlying this assertion fits hand-in-glove with the claim of real antisemites who argue that the consequences of Israel’s bad behaviors can legitimately be visited on all Jews.
“Seriously?” he asked. “Are the crimes of the Israeli state representative of all Jewish people? I personally refuse to believe that is the case… I never used the word ‘Jewish’ during the entire event; I refuse to conflate the faith of Judaism with the actions of Israel.”
He concluded: “If anyone told you they felt ‘hurt’ because I used the word genocide, then I ask you: How should I feel? How should my wife feel after losing her father? How should my three children feel after losing their grandfather?”
And then, this past weekend, the University of Michigan held its commencement ceremonies. One of the speakers was the president of the faculty senate. He began his short but eloquent remarks by noting that while the university celebrates its athletes and their accomplishments, there are other heroes who should also be celebrated—those who challenged the stale and unjust status quo of the university by opening the doors to inclusion and understanding.
He began by mentioning a young woman who in 1858 challenged the school’s opposition to enrolling women as students. He went on to note the first Jewish faculty member and the Black Action Movement that pressed the university to expand their curriculum to honor the black experience, and closed by recognizing the “student activists… who sacrificed much to open our hearts to the injustices happening in Gaza.”
His remarks were so beautifully constructed and presented that they elicited a roar of approval from those in attendance. The video of the event appearing on the university’s website shows his colleagues and administrators applauding the speech.
Within a few days, the same university president who is seen applauding issued a letter denouncing the professor’s speech as “hurtful and insensitive” and “inappropriate.”
(To avoid “further controversy” the university removed the video of the event—in which the president is seen applauding the speech—from the website).
The question that must be asked, in addition to those noted above, is what is the logic behind this claim that the remarks of both Abu Toha and the faculty senate president were hurtful to the point of being antisemitic?
The place to begin is by asking: “What is antisemitism?” The simplest and clearest definition is that antisemitism is hatred of, stereotyping of, or discrimination against Jewish people because they are Jews. Like other forms of bigotry, it claims that there are inherent characteristics or behaviors that are shared by all Jews, simply because they are Jewish.
Given this, the only way that criticism of Israeli actions can constitute antisemitism is if the critic implies that Israel does what it does because it is Jewish and “that’s the way Jews are,” or if the person making the claim of antisemitism maintains that because Israel says it is a Jewish state that whatever it does represents all Jews and therefore criticism of Israeli policies is the same as criticism of the Jewish people.
This latter position has long been propagated by pro-Israel organizations. Until recently, this proposition was mostly rejected, but it has now come to gain acceptance. It is dangerous precisely because it posits that Israel represents all Jews and therefore criticism of Israel becomes criticism of the Jewish people. It is worth noting that the assumption underlying this assertion fits hand-in-glove with the claim of real antisemites who argue that the consequences of Israel’s bad behaviors can legitimately be visited on all Jews. Interestingly, this is the same logic that has long plagued Arab Americans who have been victims of hate crimes because it was claimed that their ethnicity or religion made them legitimate targets in response to the actions of some Arab groups in the Middle East.
The other consequence is that, as Abu Toha correctly notes, it denies the victims of Israel’s behaviors their legitimate right to speak of their pain and call out, with specificity, the agent who caused it because of the hurt that might cause those who support Israel—or in the case of the University of Michigan, to deny the right of students to empathize with and demand that Palestinian victims be heard, because acknowledging Palestinian pain might also cause hurt feelings.
Article by James Zogby republished from Common Dreams under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0).

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