“We are going to get all our oil and gas out of the North Sea”, Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch said recently. Her promise to “maximise extraction” sets up a clash between political ambitions, economic reality and geological limits.
Reform UK has also said drilling for more oil and gas in the North Sea would be a “day one” priority. But even if the Conservatives or Reform were to be elected and lifted the current moratorium on new exploration licenses, there might not be the promised prizes of oil and gas under the seabed – or enough appetite from investors – to deliver on that promise.
BP, in those days British Petroleum, first extracted gas from under the North Sea in 1967. It marked the start of what was to become, for decades, one of the most valuable sectors of the UK economy, with more than 400 separate oil and gas fields developed to date.
But production peaked in 1999 and the North Sea now produces less than half as much as in its heyday.
It is now a “mature” basin: most of the biggest and easiest-to-develop fields have already been discovered and depleted. What remains are smaller, sometimes more remote, and often more technically challenging or expensive resources and reserves.
This is typical of ageing oil and gas provinces, where production declines even as operating costs rise. New projects must compete with oil and gas extracted from other parts of the world where it is easier and cheaper and more appealing to investors.
Finding oil and gas
Historically, only one in eight exploration wells in the North Sea led to a field producing oil and gas. That ratio has improved: between 2008 and 2017, a bit more than one in four wells led to a commercial success.
But far fewer wells are being drilled today. Even with the advances in technology, such as improved geophysical imaging which allows us to better define opportunities ahead of drilling, the big discoveries were probably made decades ago.
UK exploration wells vs offshore fields by year:
The number of exploration wells is down hugely from its peak in the 1980s and early 90s. Mark Ireland / NSTA
The UK government’s North Sea Transition Authority estimates there could still be around 3.5 billion barrels of oil equivalent in more than 400 undeveloped prospects. But most of these potential fields are small, isolated or technically complex. Developing them will require high oil and gas prices, fiscal stability, and a lot of investor confidence.
Politics vs geology
Even if a future government relaxes exploration licensing rules, geology will remain the bigger constraint. The North Sea is simply not as cheap as it was, and global fossil fuel giants have many other options. It is currently far cheaper to produce oil and gas in other regions, the Middle East or North Africa for example. Projects in these countries are all competing for the same capital.
Volatility in the energy sector will continue to make investors cautious. The 2015 oil price crash cut activity in the UK sector to its lowest level in decades, and it has never fully recovered. As fossil fuels are sold on the global market, political volatility, international and national, can lead to rapid shifts in investor confidence.
In the UK the introduction of a windfall tax in 2023 and changing requirements for environmental impact assessments are all making decision making on long-term projects riskier. And while the UK still needs considerable volumes of gas in future (and more modest amounts of oil) both are declining as our energy system evolves and renewable energy expand.
The UK’s mix of economic uncertainty, mature geology and smaller discoveries will make it harder to attract major international energy firms.
The future of the North Sea
That doesn’t mean the North Sea has finished as a source of oil and gas. For instance, undeveloped discoveries – where oil or gas has been confirmed but not yet produced – represent a lower-risk opportunity. But returns may be modest as many are relatively small and isolated from existing infrastructure.
New exploration licenses, if issued, might extend production modestly, but they are unlikely to deliver another game-changing discovery.
Some analysts argue that future licensing should be highly strategic, limited to projects with clear economic importance or climate compatibility. That approach could reduce reliance on imported gas, which tends to be more carbon-intensive than gas produced domestically. This would certainly make more sense than restarting fracking. But it would still not recreate the industry’s heyday.
Easy oil is over
The North Sea will still produce oil and gas for years to come, but its role will shrink. Even with friendlier policies, the era of big discoveries and rapid growth isn’t coming back.
Maximising extraction may sound appealing to politicians, but geology, economics and climate commitments all point to the North Sea’s best oil and gas days being behind it. The real challenge now is managing the investment during decline while investing in the cleaner solutions that will replace it.
UK Conservative Party leader Kemi ‘not a genocide’ Badenoch explains her reality that the Earth is flat, the Moon is made of cheese and that she was born from
Unicorn horn dust
U.S. President Donald Trump and corporate image-crafter the World Economic Forum have perfected the tactic of creating “pseudo-realities” to help avoid accountability for damaging actions. Credit: World Economic Forum/Valeriano Di Domenico .
This week, the EU agreed to 15% tariffs with the United States, half of President Donald Trump’s threatened rate, before the August 1 deadline. With Mexico and Brazil trade deals on the horizon, Trump appears to have the world’s pocketbooks, supply chains, and eyeballs precisely where he wants them: in a state of uncertainty, and focused on him.
“We didn’t believe him,” a Wall Street executive told the Financial Times. “We assumed that someone in the administration that had an economic background would tell him that global tariffs were a bad idea.” Trump seemed surprised by the executives’ surprise: “I said this would exactly be the way it is,” he noted, correctly.
But perhaps CEOs can be forgiven for assuming that the self-proclaimed “Tariff Man” was bluffing. Perhaps it’s understandable that some of the world’s most powerful and highly compensated executives, including fossil fuel leaders, filed Trump’s campaign pledges — “tariffs are the greatest thing ever invented,” he declared last fall — in the category of “things politicians say.”
After all, making high-profile promises on which they have no intention of following through — promises that are based largely on what they want people to think is true, or simply what is convenient to say in the moment — is how corporations operate every day.
Indeed, with the help of well-paid public relations firms, prestigious consultants, and elite conveners like the World Economic Forum, executives and their organizations construct what might be considered “pseudo-realities”: alternative portrayals of the world that serve a company’s interests but have little bearing on how the company actually makes money.
In the digital age, in fact, operating in the space between word and deed, between image and action, between theater and reality, has become the modus operandi of the corporate world, especially fossil fuel companies.
The Big Oil Autocratic Playbook
Big Oil has honed this playbook to near perfection. For decades, the industry has enlisted PR agencies to construct elaborate narratives so polished and pervasive that they’ve managed to stave off meaningful climate action while painting the oil and gas giants as working toward — in what might be a first in the history of modern capitalism — its own obsolescence.
Take Saudi Arabia’s state-backed oil giant Aramco, which is one of the most profitable companies in the world. As DeSmog’s TJ Jordan has pointed out, the company’s relentless advertising constructs a narrative of responsibility and green innovation. Aramco frames its advanced fuels and F1 motorsport sponsorship as a credible pathway to decarbonization — part of a broader Saudi push for a clean energy transition.
That argument omits a key piece of reality: not just that the kingdom is a major fossil fuel producer, but that it has stated its commitment to this extractive business model for years to come. (McCann, Publicis, and Hill+Knowlton, which is now part of Burson, are among the PR firms that have worked for Aramco.)
Or consider DeSmog’s deeply researched investigation into how Edelman, one of the world’s largest PR firms, polished the image of the United Arab Emirates, creating an alternate reality that convinced the public and heads of state that it was a leader on climate action, obscuring its oil-producing legacy.
The PR campaign helped propel oil baron Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber to the top levels of climate diplomacy as host of COP28, the UN’s annual climate gathering, even as the UAE was pumping more and more oil — a case study in manifesting an effective pseudo-reality.
Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber addresses a news conference in Dubai, December 4, 2023. Credit: Just Stop Oil YouTube Channel.
Meanwhile, this July, barely a year after Edelman won an “eight-figure” contract with Shell, one of the world’s leading oil and gas producers, the agency signed an agreement to manage PR for the upcoming COP30 climate conference in Brazil.
The goal of campaigns like these does not appear to be to convince everyone, everywhere, forever. Instead, like an authoritarian propagandist (or an aspiring one), these efforts seek to flood society’s information channels with alternate visions of how the world might be.
As long-serving autocrats have discovered, the resultant mixture of true belief, skepticism, and confusion creates doubt that the truth — in this case, about the severity of climate change, and the complicity of those responsible for it — can ever really be known. Such doubt helps prevent the emergence of public consensus and stalls momentum for accountability and change.
A Performative Ally
In pursuit of these efforts, fossil fuel companies have found an ally in an organization that is ostensibly committed to tackling the climate crisis and transitioning the world to clean energy.
Indeed, few organizations demonstrate the performative nature of corporate image-crafting as transparently as the World Economic Forum (WEF), the nonprofit that hosts the annual gathering of corporate and political elites of the same name in Davos, Switzerland, each January.
“The big issues in the world, like climate change, cannot be solved by governments alone,” said WEF’s founder and former CEO Klaus Schwab in 2019. “We need new technologies, so business has a role to play. Civil society has a big role to play. We are all stakeholders in our global future. And the World Economic Forum acts as a kind of catalyst for this process.”
(Earlier this year, Schwab resigned from the WEF following allegations that included misappropriating funds and creating a toxic work environment rife with racial discrimination and sexual harassment.)
WEF CEO Klaus Schwab speaks at the group’s 2018 annual meeting. Credit: World Economic Forum/Remy Steinegger
The WEF is decidedly inaccessible to the public: Membership can cost companies more than $650,000 a year, with individual attendees paying upwards of $30,000 for top-tier access to the four-day Davos conference. But it is nevertheless a performance for the public. WEF elites want to be seen and think of themselves as “using their powers for good,” as one of my former bosses in the corporate world used to say.
To that end, the organization publishes a steady stream of content, including reports, white papers, articles, podcasts, YouTube videos, and social media posts. Most of this corporate “thought leadership” shares two distinct but related goals: to position the organization that publishes it as an expert in a problem being discussed (such as climate change), and to portray the company — and “business” more generally — as critical to addressing that problem.
The WEF did not respond to an emailed request for comment.
For instance, in a January 2023 paper published with the consulting firm (and WEF “strategic partner”) PwC, the WEF outlined a “business case” for corporations to pursue climate adaptation strategies. One recommendation: “Capitalize on opportunities” created by the climate crisis. “These adaptation efforts will generate demand for products and services and open new markets,” the report noted.
The language in these publications is typically grandiose. “The future of our planet depends on it,” its foreword concluded, referring to the corporations taking action — of which authoring a report is presumably one part.
The business models of, say, a consulting firm like McKinsey & Co. that is determined, in the words of its boss, to continue “[doing] business with greenhouse-gas emitters,” or of a global nonprofit like the WEF, which brought in more than $500 million in revenue last year, much of it from extractive corporations and oil-reliant governments, do not include concrete actions that would make fossil fuel production less lucrative. (McKinsey, Chevron, Aramco, BP, and Rio Tinto are among WEF’s other “strategic partners.”)
‘Organized Lying’
A revealing example of how companies use thought leadership to spin pseudo-realities into existence comes from a PR firm with close ties to Schwab and the WEF.
The late 2010s and early 2020s marked a short-lived era in which executives decided that their workers, customers, and other “stakeholders” — such as politicians and regulators — wanted to hear that businesses were solving global challenges like climate change, inequality, and racism. This self-serving notion was called “stakeholder capitalism,” which also became the title of a 2021 book by Klaus Schwab.
Edelman, one of the largest PR firms in the world, helped drive this corporate reimagining. “CEOs expected to lead on change” was among the findings of the agency’s 2019 “trust barometer,” a survey it releases in Davos every January.
The following year, company CEO Richard Edelman highlighted the “stunning” finding that employees “expect their employer’s CEO to speak up on one or more issues.” In 2021, Richard Edelman proclaimed that “the events of this past year reinforced business’ responsibility to lead on societal issues.” Citing the trust survey, the CEO wrote in a 2023 blog post titled “Companies Must Not Stay Silent,” that, “Business leaders must not only speak out on incidents of injustice and the pressing issues of the day, but they must take action.”
PR firm CEO Richard Edelman writes an annual trust survey that a researcher said “consistently paints the picture that best served the interests” of Edeman and its clients. Credit: Wikimedia Commons
In a 2024 paper, Lee Edwards, a professor of strategic communications and public engagement at the London School of Economics, looked closely at the surveys Edelman published between 2018 and 2022. She studied not only their findings and conclusions, but the entire package — the headlines, the imagery, the tone, the formatting, the branding.
Edwards found that Edelman consistently painted the picture that best served the interests of the firm and its clients: that public trust in governments, nonprofit organizations, and the media was collapsing — meaning, in turn, that businesses had an obligation to step into the breach.
In a nod to Hannah Arendt, the late philosopher and scholar of totalitarianism, Edwards described the trust barometer as an example of “organized lying,” which “reconstitutes … reality on the basis of whatever the organization deems necessary to achieve their goals.” Corporate thought leadership “might be based on deception,” Edwards argued, “but the appearance of truth is what matters most for its value in the production of trust.”
In short, you do not need to convey what is true. You only need convince people to believe that something is true, a tactic that Trump and his Maga movement specialize in.
Corporate Trust Narratives as Alternative Realities
Edwards concluded that “the production of trust narratives by the public relations industry is not a commentary on a pre-existing reality, but a construction of an alternative reality, that in many ways obscures — intentionally or otherwise — many inconvenient but factual truths about the role of business in society.”
Because these alternative realities are driven by what is most useful for companies to portray as the truth at a given moment in time, their conclusions can shift quickly. The rhetorical emergence of stakeholder capitalism was promptly followed by a right-wing backlash that saw furious pundits and political parties in the United States and elsewhere, especially the MAGA movement and its emulators around the world, gain momentum — and sometimes win elections — in part by decrying what they called “woke capitalism.”
In turn, as the cheery narrative that companies would use market forces to fight injustice and solve climate change began to incur reputational and political risks from the right, companies did not hesitate to pivot to a different message — one that, in many ways, appeared incompatible with what they had been touting widely only months before.
“My advice to all of you for your companies is stay out of politics,” Richard Edelman told the WEF in January 2024, less than a year after advising that “this is not the time for CEOs and the companies they lead to remain silent or stand down.”
One organization that appeared to follow Edelman’s change of heart was the WEF itself. In 2024, Semafor reported that Richard Edelman was among the executives counseling the WEF to shift its politics rightward to avoid alienating conservative politicians and governments reliant on oil and gas extraction.
“The Gulf monarchies, whose oil money flows down the [Davos] Promenade and helps underwrite the forum, have also grown weary of criticism of fossil fuels and signaled to the forum that, ‘we can do this elsewhere,’” Semafor wrote. A few months later, in April 2024, WEF hosted a “special meeting” in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, where a panel about “an equitable energy transition” featured the Saudi energy minister, the CEO of Occidental Petroleum, and the CEO of ExxonMobil.
In an emailed statement, an Edelman spokesperson said: “The guardrails on speaking out have changed because public expectations of business have evolved. The broad permission once granted to business leaders to speak freely has become more selective, requiring careful consideration of when and where to engage. Our recent data shows that there are specific instances where people expect business leaders to engage on a societal issue such as when the issue harms their employees, customers, or communities.”
Boorstin’s ‘Pseudo-events’
In her 2024 book Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies Into Reality, Georgetown University professor Renée DiResta discusses what the late historian Daniel J. Boorstin called “pseudo-events”: events manufactured specifically for the purpose of generating media coverage. Like a news conference that announces the formation of a task force that will produce a non-binding report, pseudo-events have no significance in and of themselves; they exist to create the illusion of significance.
Once a pseudo-event has been hallucinated into existence — such as an announcement in a news release or, these days, a mention in an Instagram influencer’s story — its significance cascades outward as more news outlets and social media influencers and online scrollers report on it and cite it and share it. This “narrative laundering,” as DiResta calls it, helps transform a pseudo-event into reality — or, at least, pseudo-reality.
“Once a pseudo-event has been hallucinated into existence — such as an announcement in a news release or, these days, a mention in an Instagram influencer’s story — its significance cascades outward as more news outlets and social media influencers and online scrollers report on it and cite it and share it.”
The WEF and its corporate members are master crafters of pseudo-events. Indeed, the gatherings of the WEF high in the Swiss Alps, or at June’s “Summer Davos” in Tianjin, China, are themselves pseudo-events.
They attract legions of wealthy and powerful people, alongside their PR teams and journalists. From behind closed doors emerge plenty of headlines and pledges, endless content and commitments — but no new laws, no binding emissions reductions, no new taxes to help pay for the climate adaptation that “the future of our planet depends on.” And, crucially, their high-profile pronouncements and publications can say whatever they deem most helpful for them to say in that moment.
Out of nothing emerges a pseudo-reality that portrays corporations as they wish to be seen. And in this alternate reality, the real world — in which companies operate as they always have, capitalizing on the sociopathicimperatives of capitalism — is mostly irrelevant.
Trump, Tariffs, and Pseudo-Realities
Of course, what validated, to some extent, the disbelief of the executives and Wall Street analysts on “Liberation Day” is the fact that Trump is a serial fabricator. Over the past decade, no one has been more successful than this president of the United States in spinning up and cashing in on pseudo-realities largely untethered from what he is actually doing.
Shamelessly promising whatever is convenient in the moment, with no intention of following through; profiting off the manipulation of supporters while condescending to them; acquiring power by constructing an alternative narrative of how the world is; performing that pseudo-reality into existence by repeating it over and over again: This is the Trump playbook. But it is also the corporate playbook.
Many say that President Trume aquired power by constructing an alternative narrative of how the world really is. Credit: Public Domain
Despite their initial shock, companies quickly found that there was value in the tariff narrative. Reports are already documenting executives explaining how the expectation of tariff-driven price increases provided an ideal cover for increasing prices — even on products not impacted by tariffs.
In April, asked on CNBC whether corporations were “raising their prices…just because they can,” one oil executive responded, “Exactly. Yes. … It gives them room to move prices up,” as The Lever’s Luke Goldstein noted.
Whether price-gouging under the cover of tariffs, or offering tired-but-effective national security justifications for doubling down on fossil fuels, predicting something and then using your prediction to justify what you already wanted and/or planned to do is a key two-step in what LSE’s Edwards called “organized lying.”
Only in an alternative reality could the PR and influence industry, whose business model includes laundering the reputations of autocrats and creating astroturf front groups to generate the illusion of broad public support, be seen as an authority on public trust. Yet it seems not to matter whether the pseudo-realities they manufacture are genuinely believable — only that they are just believable enough to serve a purpose.
And that purpose is often as simple as preventing the coherence of an alternative narrative, like the fact that corporate profiteering, which rose during the COVID crisis, is exacerbating tariff consequences for consumers. Or that the fossil fuel industry is (still) exploiting public anxieties to preserve its lucrative business model as long as possible, as Amy Westervelt discussed recently for Drilled.
Were narratives like these to cohere, they might generate broad public enthusiasm for new taxes or regulations or consumer protections or unions or even popular movements. As long as a pseudo-reality prevents the truth from cohering, it serves its purpose.
In Invisible Rulers, DiResta notes a consequence of living in a world of pseudo-realities, one in which it becomes difficult for ordinary people to be certain about what is true and what is not (which is also a defining characteristic of authoritarian propaganda states).
“People are simply overwhelmed,” DiResta writes. “The world feels unimaginably complex, and millions believe that they are being manipulated — they’re just not sure by whom and to what end.”
Those millions are often correct.
Donald Trump urges you to be a Climate Science denier like him. He says that he makes millions and millions for destroying the planet, Burn, Baby, Burn and Flood, Baby, Flood.Neo-Fascist Climate Science Denier Donald Trump says Burn, Baby, Burn.
Flaring is a way to get rid of gases such as methane that arise when pumping oil out of the ground. Photograph: Eremeychuk Leonid/Alamy
Rules to prevent ‘enormous waste’ of fuel are seen as weak and poorly enforced and firms have little incentive to stop
The fossil fuel industry pumped an extra 389m tonnes of carbon pollution into the atmosphere last year by needlessly flaring gas, a World Bank report has found, in an “enormous waste” of fuel that heats the planet by about as much as the country of France.
Flaring is a way to get rid of gases such as methane that arise when pumping oil out of the ground. While it can sometimes keep workers safe by relieving buildups of pressure, the practice is routine in many countries because it is often cheaper to burn gas than to capture, transport, process and sell it.
Global gas flaring rose for a second year in a row to reach its highest level since 2007, the report found, despite growing concerns about energy security and climate breakdown.
It found that 151bn cubic metres (bcm) of gas were burned during oil and gas production in 2024, up by 3bcm from the year before.
Nigel Farage urges you to ignore facts and reality and be a climate science denier like him. He says that Reform UK has received millions and millions from the fossil fuel industry to promote climate denial and destroy the planet.Donald Trump urges you to be a Climate Science denier like him. He says that he makes millions and millions for destroying the planet, Burn, Baby, Burn and Flood, Baby, Flood.Neo-Fascist Climate Science Denier Donald Trump says Burn, Baby, Burn.
Matthew Chattle/Future Publishing via Getty Images
The UK’s broken justice system is locking young activists like me away – and we’ll all suffer the consequences
My name’s Ella. I am a fairly average 22-year-old from Birmingham, central England. I have friends, a supportive family, and hopes and dreams for after graduation. I’m also facing up to ten years in prison.
On 5 August last year, I was arrested along with three others on a side street in Gatley, near Manchester, just after 4am. We had been planning to enter Manchester Airport’s airfield – provided it was safe to do so – to block the taxiway by glueing our hands to the tarmac.
We didn’t get near the airport, but I have been held in HMP Styal, a women’s prison just outside Manchester, ever since. I was charged with conspiracy to cause a public nuisance and spent six months in prison awaiting trial. I was found guilty in February and will have served three months by the time I am sentenced at the end of this month.
So what drives a young person like me to take nonviolent action as drastic as this? You may have realised that I am a member of Just Stop Oil. At the time of my arrest, I was carrying boltcutters, glue, a hi-vis jacket, and a banner reading ‘sign the treaty’ in all caps.
It was the summer of 2024, the hottest year ever recorded. We were trying to send a message to the British government: it must sign the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty and make an immediate plan to transition away from oil, gas and coal to prevent further global heating, climate breakdown, and eventual societal collapse.
We wanted to go to an airport – a symbol of the carbon economy – to make clear that the UK’s ‘business as usual’ approach is sending humanity over a cliff edge into destruction, displacement, and massive loss of life.
Our protest may have seemed drastic, but as I tried to explain to the judge and the jury, it was proportionate to the scale of the crisis we are facing. We all stand to lose everything.
Until my arrest, I was a final-year environmental science student at the University of Leeds. As I told the court, the science is clear: burning and extracting fossil fuels is heating the planet and leading to mass crop failure, with food insecurity and starvation for large parts of the world and drastic price hikes on staples for the rest of us. Crop failure on this scale will kill millions and displace many more. A billion people could be on the move within 25 years. The impacts will be felt everywhere, by everyone.
I spoke about my university lecturers, who are prominent climate scientists and are fearful for their children’s lives. They feel they aren’t being listened to, that the government is implementing policies contrary to science. I said that the knowledge I had gained from studying gave me a responsibility to act.
Court trials like mine are remarkably technical – you must submit a legal defence if you want the judge to allow jurors to consider your motivation, or the context of your actions. I did not have a lawyer and, like my co-defendants, put forward a defence of ‘self-defence’ and ‘necessity’.
I argued that I acted not only to protect the lives of the millions already living on the frontline of climate breakdown, but in defence of myself and young people globally. I told the court how I am afraid for my own future, the future of my brother, my friends, my cousins, and all young people everywhere.
The judge dismissed this, saying the climate crisis does not pose an ‘immediate threat to life’. He told jurors to ignore the context around our actions and focus only on whether we had planned to commit a ‘crime’, saying that anything they’d heard about climate change during the hearing was irrelevant as it was a political or philosophical belief.
But the climate crisis is not a belief, it is science, and science doesn’t care about legal defences, judges’ rulings or prison sentences. It will continue to worsen and take more lives until governments work together to stop burning fossil fuels.
Conservative ministers loudly championed free speech – right up until they outlawed it. Now, we’re all at risk
Over the past six months in prison, this truth has become clearer and clearer. Climate breakdown is no longer something I read about in textbooks, study in lectures, or write about in exams. I’m seeing it through the bars of my cell window.
On New Year’s Day, a state of emergency was declared as Greater Manchester was hit by heavy rains. Over a thousand people were evacuated from flooded homes – HMP Styal’s prison officers among them – their possessions ruined, and huge disruption caused.
The rising waters cut off the roads leading to the prison, causing a staffing crisis that compromised our safety, with no one allowed to leave their wings or houses. The prison’s library and workplaces were flooded, ruining books and leaving some prisoners with no work or activities even after the regime returned to normal.
Such extreme weather is being seen everywhere. On the penultimate day of my hearing, 14 people were killed in floods in the US state of Kentucky, including a seven-year-old girl and her mother, who were washed away in their car. I used my closing speech to tell jurors about this, about how upset it made me. How many people will die before we open our eyes?
The judge ruled it irrelevant.
Having been barred from considering almost everything we’d said, the jury had little choice but to find us guilty. I am grateful to all twelve of them, though, for listening to what we had to say for three weeks and making the only decision they could within the constraints given.
Despite the guilty verdict, being in prison and my impending sentencing, I am at peace. I should have had my whole life ahead of me, and my future now hangs in the balance, but I know that I acted in line with my conscience and moral convictions and, above all, nonviolently: without violence and actively against violence.
Being on trial at a crown court in my early twenties was the scariest thing I’ve ever done. But what choice did I have? At university, I studied the truth, and now I have to act on it.
Orcas discuss Donald Trump and the killer apes’ concept of democracy. Front Orca warns that Trump is crashing his country’s economy and that everything he does he does for the fantastically wealthy.Neo-Fascist Climate Science Denier Donald Trump says Burn, Baby, Burn.Elon Musk urges you to be a Fascist like him, says that you can ignore facts and reality then.
The UK government is about to host a summit with the International Energy Agency (IEA) on the future of energy security. It does so as the world grapples with war, geopolitical realignments and trade barriers, against a backdrop of accelerating climate upheavals. One of the expected outcomes of this summit is a new, agreed definition of what constitutes energy security in the 21st century.
Common understandings of energy security have focused on making supplies reliable and affordable, with less attention paid to ensuring sources of energy are sustainable and less volatile over the medium- and long-term. This neglect compromises our collective security.
The IEA’s 31 member countries and 13 associates include most of the world’s most powerful states. Its influence means that this new definition of energy security will be used to inform government policies and investment decisions around the world. Given the cost of energy infrastructure, and the lengthy time it takes to build these projects, this definition is set to shape our future, economically and climatically.
But there is a very real risk that this definition will open the door to further investments into fossil fuel production under the guise of energy security.
International Energy Agency (IEA) member and ‘association member’ countries. IEA, CC BY-SA
After Russia invaded Ukraine, governments rushed to cut their reliance on Russian fossil fuels. This caused major disruptions as prices spiked and millions were pushed into energy poverty.
Europe alone spent an extra €517–€831 billion (£444–£713 billion) on energy in 2021 and 2022, even though some imports from Russia continued through so-called “shadow fleets”. Some argued that high fossil fuel prices only embolden leaders like Putin and help fund their conflicts.
Governments responded with “energy nativism”, as they sought to secure as much energy as possible for their citizens at whatever cost. This typically meant boosting renewables and bulk buying oil and gas. In the UK’s case, it also meant the previous government issuing hundreds of new licenses to drill for oil and gas to “increase energy security” – licenses the current government says it will honour).
Shipments of liquified natural gas (LNG) were also redirected from poorer countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh towards the highest bidders in Europe and Asia. This raises the question of who exactly is becoming more energy secure and at what cost.
Meanwhile, large fossil fuel exporters like Qatar, the US and Australia ramped up production. A US official even referred to its gas exports as “molecules of freedom”. Australia has exported so much natural gas it may have to buy its own gas back from Japan at market price.
The sheer volume of investment in new oil and gas infrastructure like offshore rigs or LNG terminals, combined with long build times, has locked in higher fossil fuel production and pushed emissions to record levels. This poses significant risks for both exporters and importers, especially as future demand is uncertain and energy markets remain volatile.
Fossil fuels remain dominant
More fundamentally, continued reliance on fossil fuels is making humanity less secure. The vast majority of emissions still come from burning coal, oil or gas. Preventing climate catastrophe therefore requires us to phase out fossil fuels as fast as possible – with wealthy nations leading the charge. In their place, we’ll have to generate energy from renewable sources that do not replicate the volatility of globally traded fossil fuels.
Yet despite some progressive policies, fossil fuels remain dominant across the global economy. Investment in oil and gas today is almost double the level it must fall below if the world is to reach net zero by 2050, according to the IEA’s own modelling.
The pursuit of energy security has boosted renewables, but adding additional clean energy isn’t enough – it must ultimately displace fossil fuels entirely. This will require a whole-economy shift. That means cutting production of fossil fuels while also reducing demand, stabilising prices and building out clean energy fast enough to support the electrification of transport, industry and heating.
But supply chains for batteries, solar panels and other key technologies are vulnerable. Delays and shortages could mean electricity prices spike, sparking social unrest. This is yet another risk of getting energy security wrong: if inflationary pressures drive the immiseration of the general public, governments and their energy plans will be short lived.
The definition of energy security that comes out of the IEA summit should reflect the fact we’re now in a world of constant crises. True energy security means charting a path towards a world that is more socially, economically and environmentally secure. This means developing a well-managed global plan to phase out fossil fuels.